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Contents • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Background [ ] The battlefield and surrounding areas [ ] In 1805, fur trader Francois Antoine Larocque reported joining a camp in the Yellowstone area. On the way, he noted that the Crow hunted buffalo on the '. The United States built in 1807 for trade with the Crow.

It was located near the confluence of the Yellowstone and the Bighorn, around 40 miles north of the future battlefield. The area is first noted in the 1851. In the latter half of the 19th century, tensions increased between the Native inhabitants of the of the United States and encroaching settlers. This resulted in a series of conflicts known as the, which took place between 1854 and 1890. While some of the Indigenous peoples eventually agreed to relocate to ever-shrinking, a number of them resisted, at times fiercely.

On May 7, 1868, the valley of the Little Bighorn became a tract in the eastern part of the new Crow Indian Reservation in the center of the old Crow country. The battlefield is known as 'Greasy Grass' to the Lakota, Dakota, Cheyenne, and most other; however, in contemporary accounts by participants, it was referred to as the 'Valley of Chieftains'.

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1876 Sun Dance Gathering [ ]. A gathering, circa 1909 Among the, the long-standing ceremonial tradition known as the was the most important religious event of the year. It is a time for prayer and personal sacrifice on behalf of the community, as well as making personal vows. Towards the end of spring in 1876, the Lakota and the Cheyenne held a Sun Dance that was also attended by a number of 'Agency Indians' who had slipped away from their reservations. During a Sun Dance around June 5, 1876, on in,, the spiritual leader of the, reportedly had a vision of 'soldiers falling into his camp like grasshoppers from the sky.'

At the same time, U.S. Military officials were conducting a summer campaign to force the Lakota and the Cheyenne back to their, using and in a so-called 'three-pronged approach'. [ ] 1876 U.S. Military campaign [ ]. 1876 Army Campaign against the Sioux Col. 's column of six companies (A, B, E, H, I, and K) of the and four companies (F, G, H, and L) of the marched east from in western Montana on March 30 to patrol the. 's column of ten companies (A, B, C, D, E, F, G, I, L, and M) of the, five companies (A, B, D, E, and I) of the, two companies (D and F) of the, and three companies (C, G, and H) of the moved north from in the on May 29, marching toward the area.

's column, including twelve companies (A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, K, L, and M) of the 7th Cavalry under Lt. 's immediate command, Companies C and G of the 17th U.S. Infantry, and the detachment of the 20th Infantry departed westward from in the on May 17. They were accompanied by teamsters and packers with 150 wagons and a large contingent of pack mules that reinforced Custer. Companies C, D, and I of the moved along the Yellowstone River from on the to set up a supply depot and joined Terry on May 29 at the mouth of the Powder River. They were later joined there by the steamboat, which was loaded with 200 tons of supplies from Fort Lincoln. 7th Cavalry organization [ ] The 7th Cavalry had been created just after the American Civil War.

Many men were veterans of the war, including most of the leading officers. A significant portion of the regiment had previously served four-and-a-half years at, Kansas, during which time it fought one major engagement and numerous skirmishes, experiencing casualties of 36 killed and 27 wounded. Six other troopers had died of drowning and 51 from epidemics. In November 1868, while stationed in Kansas, the 7th Cavalry under Custer had successfully routed 's Southern Cheyenne camp on the in the, an attack which was at the time labeled a 'massacre of innocent Indians' by the. (Need citation).

7th Cavalry By the time of the Little Bighorn, half of the 7th Cavalry's companies had just returned from 18 months of constabulary duty in the Deep South, having been recalled to to reassemble the regiment for the campaign. About 20 percent of the troopers had been enlisted in the prior seven months (139 of an enlisted roll of 718), were only marginally trained, and had no combat or frontier experience. A sizable number of these recruits were immigrants from Ireland, England and Germany, just as many of the veteran troopers had been before their enlistments.

Archaeological evidence suggests that many of these troopers were malnourished and in poor physical condition, despite being the best-equipped and supplied regiment in the Army. Of the 45 officers and 718 troopers then assigned to the 7th Cavalry (including a second lieutenant detached from the 20th Infantry and serving in Company L), 14 officers (including the regimental commander, Col.

) and 152 troopers did not accompany the 7th during the campaign. The ratio of troops detached for other duty (approximately 22 percent) was not unusual for an expedition of this size, and part of the officer shortage was chronic, due to the Army's rigid seniority system: three of the regiment's 12 captains were permanently detached, and two had never served a day with the 7th since their appointment in July 1866. Three second lieutenant vacancies (in E, H, and L Companies) were also unfilled. Battle of the Rosebud [ ] The Army's coordination and planning began to go awry on June 17, 1876, when Crook's column retreated after the, just 30 miles to the southeast of the eventual Little Bighorn battlefield. Surprised and according to some accounts astonished by the unusually large numbers of Native Americans, Crook held the field at the end of the battle but felt compelled by his losses to pull back, regroup, and wait for reinforcements.

Unaware of Crook's battle, Gibbon and Terry proceeded, joining forces in early June near the mouth of. They reviewed Terry's plan calling for Custer's regiment to proceed south along the Rosebud while Terry and Gibbon's united forces would move in a westerly direction toward the and rivers. As this was the likely location of native encampments, all army elements had been instructed to converge there around June 26 or 27 in an attempt to engulf the Native Americans. On June 22, Terry ordered the 7th Cavalry, composed of 31 officers and 566 enlisted men under Custer, to begin a reconnaissance in force and pursuit along the Rosebud, with the prerogative to 'depart' from orders if Custer saw 'sufficient reason'.

Custer had been offered the use of but declined, believing they would slow his command. Little Bighorn [ ] External video, 38:44, Park Ranger Steve Adelson describes the battle on-site While the Terry–Gibbon column was marching toward the mouth of the Little Bighorn, on the evening of June 24, Custer's Indian scouts arrived at an overlook known as the Crow's Nest, 14 miles (23 km) east of the Little Bighorn River. At sunrise on June 25, Custer's scouts reported they could see a massive pony herd and signs of the Native American village roughly 15 miles (24 km) in the distance. After a night's march, the tired officer who was sent with the scouts could see neither, and when Custer joined them, he was also unable to make the sighting. Custer's scouts also spotted the regimental cooking fires that could be seen from 10 miles (16 km) away, disclosing the regiment's position.

[ ] Custer contemplated a surprise attack against the encampment the following morning of June 26, but he then received a report informing him several hostiles had discovered the trail left by his troops. Assuming his presence had been exposed, Custer decided to attack the village without further delay. On the morning of June 25, Custer divided his 12 companies into three battalions in anticipation of the forthcoming engagement. Three companies were placed under the command of Major (A, G, and M) and three were placed under the command of Captain (H, D, and K). Five companies (C, E, F, I, and L) remained under Custer's immediate command. The 12th, Company B under Captain Thomas McDougall, had been assigned to escort the slower pack train carrying provisions and additional ammunition.

Unknown to Custer, the group of Native Americans seen on his trail was actually leaving the encampment and did not alert the rest of the village. Custer's scouts warned him about the size of the village, with reportedly saying, 'General, I have been with these Indians for 30 years, and this is the largest village I have ever heard of.' Custer's overriding concern was that the Native American group would break up and scatter.

The command began its approach to the village at noon and prepared to attack in full daylight. Prelude [ ] Military assumptions prior to the battle [ ]. A Cheyenne artist's depiction of the Battle of the Little Bighorn Number of Indian warriors [ ] As the Army moved into the field on its expedition, it was operating with incorrect assumptions as to the number of Indians it would encounter. These assumptions were based on inaccurate information provided by the Indian Agents that no more than 800 hostiles were in the area. The Indian Agents based this estimate on the number of Lakota that Sitting Bull and other leaders had reportedly led off the reservation in protest of U.S.

Government policies. It was in fact a correct estimate until several weeks before the battle, when the 'reservation Indians' joined Sitting Bull's ranks for the summer buffalo hunt. The agents did not take into account the many thousands of these 'reservation Indians' who had unofficially left the reservation to join their 'uncooperative non-reservation cousins led by Sitting Bull'.

Thus, Custer unknowingly faced thousands of Indians, including the 800 non-reservation 'hostiles'. All Army plans were based on the incorrect numbers. Although Custer was severely criticized after the battle for not having accepted reinforcements and for dividing his forces, it must be understood that he had accepted the same official government estimates of hostiles in the area which Terry and Gibbon had also accepted. Historian James Donovan states that when Custer asked interpreter Fred Gerard for his opinion on the size of the opposition, he estimated the force at between 1,500 to 2,500 warriors. Additionally, Custer was more concerned with preventing the escape of the Lakota and Cheyenne than with fighting them. From his own observation, as reported by his John Martin (Martini), Custer assumed the warriors had been sleeping in on the morning of the battle, to which virtually every native account attested later, giving Custer a false estimate of what he was up against. When he and his scouts first looked down on the village from the Crow's Nest across the Little Bighorn River, they could only see the herd of ponies.

Looking from a hill 2.5 miles (4.0 km) away after parting with Reno's command, Custer could observe only women preparing for the day, and young boys taking thousands of horses out to graze south of the village. Custer's told him it was the largest native village they had ever seen.

When the scouts began changing back into their native dress right before the battle, Custer released them from his command. While the village was enormous in size, Custer thought there were far fewer warriors to defend the village. He assumed most of the warriors were still asleep in their. Finally, Custer may have assumed that in the event of his encountering Native Americans, his subordinate Benteen with the pack train would quickly come to his aid.

Rifle volleys were a standard way of telling supporting units to come to another unit's aid. In a subsequent official 1879 Army investigation requested by Major Reno, the Reno Board of Inquiry (RCOI), Benteen and Reno's men testified that they heard distinct rifle volleys as late as 4:30 pm during the battle. Custer had initially wanted to take a day and scout the village before attacking; however, when men went back after supplies dropped by the pack train, they discovered they were being back-trailed by Indians. Reports from his scouts also revealed fresh pony tracks from ridges overlooking his formation.

It became apparent that the warriors in the village were either aware of or would soon be aware of his approach. Fearing that the village would break up into small bands that he would have to chase, Custer began to prepare for an immediate attack.

Role of Indian noncombatants in Custer's strategy [ ] Custer's field strategy was designed to engage noncombatants at the encampments on the Little Bighorn so as to capture women, children, and the elderly or disabled: 297 to serve as hostages to convince the warriors to surrender and comply with federal orders to relocate. Custer's battalions were poised to 'ride into the camp and secure noncombatant hostages' and 'forc[e] the warriors to surrender'. Author Evan S. Connell observed that if Custer could occupy the village before widespread resistance developed, the Sioux and Cheyenne warriors 'would be obliged to surrender, because if they started to fight, they would be shooting their own families.' Movements of the 7th Cavalry A: Custer B: Reno C: Benteen D: Yates E: Weir Reno's attack [ ] The first group to attack was Major Reno's second detachment (Companies A, G and M) after receiving orders from Custer written out by Lt., as Custer's Crow scouts reported Sioux tribe members were alerting the village.

Ordered to charge, Reno began that phase of the battle. The orders, made without accurate knowledge of the village's size, location, or the warriors' propensity to stand and fight, had been to pursue the Native Americans and 'bring them to battle.' Reno's force crossed the Little Bighorn at the mouth of what is today Reno Creek around 3:00 pm on June 25. They immediately realized that the Lakota and Northern Cheyenne were present 'in force and not running away.'

Reno–Benteen defensive position After giving orders to mount, dismount and mount again, Reno told his men, 'All those who wish to make their escape follow me,' and led a disorderly rout across the river toward the bluffs on the other side. The retreat was immediately disrupted by Cheyenne attacks at close quarters. Later, Reno reported that three officers and 29 troopers had been killed during the retreat and subsequent fording of the river. Another officer and 13–18 men were missing. Most of these missing men were left behind in the timber, although many eventually rejoined the detachment.

Reno's hasty retreat may have been precipitated by the death of Reno's Arikara scout, who had been shot in the head as he sat on his horse next to Reno, his blood and brains splattering the side of Reno's face. Reno and Benteen on Reno Hill [ ]. This section needs additional citations for.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2013) () Atop the bluffs, known today as Reno Hill, Reno's shaken troops were joined by Captain Benteen's column (Companies D, H and K), arriving from the south. This force had been on a lateral scouting mission when it had been summoned by Custer's messenger, Italian bugler John Martin (Giovanni Martini) with the handwritten message 'Benteen. Come on, Big Village, Be quick, Bring packs. Bring Packs.'

Benteen's coincidental arrival on the bluffs was just in time to save Reno's men from possible annihilation. Their detachments were reinforced by McDougall's Company B and the pack train.

The 14 officers and 340 troopers on the bluffs organized an all-around defense and dug rifle pits using whatever implements they had among them, including knives. This practice had become standard during the last year of the American Civil War, with both Union and Confederate troops utilizing knives, eating utensils, mess plates and pans to dig effective battlefield fortifications. Despite hearing heavy gunfire from the north, including distinct volleys at 4:20 pm, Benteen concentrated on reinforcing Reno's badly wounded and hard-pressed detachment rather than continuing on toward Custer's position. Benteen's apparent reluctance to reach Custer prompted later criticism that he had failed to follow orders. Around 5:00 pm, Capt. And Company D moved out to make contact with Custer.

They advanced a mile, to what is today Weir Ridge or Weir Point, and could see in the distance native warriors on horseback shooting at objects on the ground. By this time, roughly 5:25 pm, Custer's battle may have concluded. The conventional historical understanding is that what Weir witnessed was most likely warriors killing the wounded soldiers and shooting at dead bodies on the 'Last Stand Hill' at the northern end of the Custer battlefield. Some contemporary historians have suggested that what Weir witnessed was a fight on what is now called Calhoun Hill. The destruction of Keogh's battalion may have begun with the collapse of L, I and C Company (half of it) following the combined assaults led by,, Hump, and others.: 240 Other native accounts contradict this understanding, however, and the time element remains a subject of debate. The other entrenched companies eventually followed Weir by assigned battalions, first Benteen, then Reno, and finally the pack train.

Growing native attacks around Weir Ridge forced all seven companies to return to the bluff before the pack train, with the ammunition, had moved even a quarter mile. The companies remained pinned down on the bluff for another day, but the natives were unable to breach the tightly held position. Benteen displayed calmness and courage by exposing himself to Indian fire and was hit in the heel of his boot by an Indian bullet. At one point, he personally led a counterattack to push back Indians who had continued to crawl through the grass closer to the soldier's positions. Custer's fight [ ]. Crow Indian Reservation, 1868 (area 619 and 635). Yellow area 517 is 1851 Crow treaty land ceded to the U.S.

It was in the red area 635 that the battle stood. The Lakotas were here without consent from the local Crow tribe, which had treaty on the area. Already in 1873, Crow chief Blackfoot had called for U.S. Military actions against the Indian intrudes. The precise details of Custer's fight are largely conjectural since none of his men (the five companies under his immediate command) survived the battle.

Later accounts from surviving Indians are conflicting and unclear. While the gunfire heard on the bluffs by Reno and Benteen's men was probably from Custer's fight, the soldiers on Reno Hill were unaware of what had happened to Custer until General Terry's arrival on June 27. They were reportedly stunned by the news. When the army examined the Custer battle site, soldiers could not determine fully what had transpired. Custer's force of roughly 210 men had been engaged by the Lakota and Northern Cheyenne about 3.5 miles (5.6 km) to the north of Reno and Benteen's defensive position. Evidence of organized resistance included apparent breastworks made of dead horses on Custer Hill. By the time troops came to recover the bodies, the Lakota and Cheyenne had already removed most of their dead from the field.

The troops found most of Custer's dead stripped of their clothing, ritually mutilated, and in an advanced state of decomposition, making identification of many impossible. The soldiers identified the 7th Cavalry's dead as best as possible and hastily buried them where they fell.

Custer was found with shots to the left chest and left temple. Either wound would have been fatal, though he appeared to have bled from only the chest wound, meaning his head wound may have been delivered postmortem. He also suffered a wound to the arm. Some Lakota oral histories assert that Custer committed suicide to avoid capture and subsequent torture, though this is usually discounted since the wounds were inconsistent with his known right-handedness. (Other native accounts note several soldiers committing suicide near the end of the battle.) Custer's body was found near the top of Custer Hill, which also came to be known as 'Last Stand Hill'.

There the United States erected a tall memorial obelisk inscribed with the names of the 7th Cavalry's casualties. Several days after the battle,, Custer's Crow scout who had left Custer near Medicine Tail Coulee (a drainage which led to the river), recounted the battle, reporting that Custer had attacked the village after attempting to cross the river. He was driven back, retreating toward the hill where his body was found.

As the scenario seemed compatible with Custer's aggressive style of warfare and with evidence found on the ground, it became the basis of many popular accounts of the battle. 'Hurrah boys, we've got them!

We'll finish them up and then go home to our station.' — Reported words of Lieutenant Colonel Custer at the battle's outset. Having isolated Reno's force and driven them away from the encampment, the bulk of the native warriors were free to pursue Custer. The route taken by Custer to his 'Last Stand' remains a subject of debate. One possibility is that after ordering Reno to charge, Custer continued down Reno Creek to within about a half mile (800 m) of the Little Bighorn, but then turned north and climbed up the bluffs, reaching the same spot to which Reno would soon retreat.

From this point on the other side of the river, he could see Reno charging the village. Riding north along the bluffs, Custer could have descended into Medicine Tail Coulee. Some historians believe that part of Custer's force descended the coulee, going west to the river and attempting unsuccessfully to cross into the village. According to some accounts, a small contingent of Indian sharpshooters opposed this crossing. Lieutenant Colonel Custer and his U.S. Army troops are defeated in battle with Native American Lakota Sioux and Northern Cheyenne on the Little Bighorn Battlefield, June 25, 1876 at Little Bighorn River, Montana White Cow Bull claimed to have shot a leader wearing a buckskin jacket off his horse in the river.

While no other Indian account supports this claim, if White Bull did shoot a buckskin-clad leader off his horse, some historians have argued that Custer may have been seriously wounded by him. Some Indian accounts claim that besides wounding one of the leaders of this advance, a soldier carrying a company was also hit. Troopers had to dismount to help the wounded men back onto their horses.: 117–19 The fact that either of the non-mutilation wounds to Custer's body (a bullet wound below the heart and a shot to the left temple) would have been instantly fatal casts doubt on his being wounded and remounted. Reports of an attempted fording of the river at Medicine Tail Coulee might explain Custer's purpose for Reno's attack, that is, a coordinated 'hammer-and-anvil' maneuver, with Reno's holding the Indians at bay at the southern end of the camp, while Custer drove them against Reno's line from the north. Other historians have noted that if Custer did attempt to cross the river near Medicine Tail Coulee, he may have believed it was the north end of the Indian camp, although it was only the middle. Some Indian accounts, however, place the Northern Cheyenne encampment and the north end of the overall village to the left (and south) of the opposite side of the crossing.: 10–20 The precise location of the north end of the village remains in dispute, however.

Custer's route over battlefield, as theorized. (Credit: )., the famed ethnologist and photographer of the Native American Indians, made a detailed personal study of the battle, interviewing many of those who had fought or taken part in it. First he went over the ground covered by the troops with the three Crow scouts,, and, and then again with and a party of Cheyenne warriors. He also visited the Lakota country and interviewed, 'whose recollection of the fight seemed to be particularly clear'.: 44 Then, he went over the battlefield once more with the three Crow scouts, but also accompanied by General 'as I particularly desired that the testimony of these men might be considered by an experienced army officer'. Finally, Curtis visited the country of the and interviewed the scouts of that tribe who had been with Custer's command.: 44 Based on all the information he gathered, Curtis concluded that Custer had indeed ridden down the Medicine Tail Coulee and then towards the river where he probably planned to ford it.

However, 'the Indians had now discovered him and were gathered closely on the opposite side'.: 48 They were soon joined by a large force of Sioux who (no longer engaging Reno) rushed down the valley. This was the beginning of their attack on Custer who was forced to turn and head for the hill where he would make his famous 'last stand'. Thus, wrote Curtis, 'Custer made no attack, the whole movement being a retreat'.: 49 Other views of Custer's actions at Minneconjou Ford [ ]. This section needs additional citations for. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2013) () Other historians claim that Custer never approached the river, but rather continued north across the coulee and up the other side, where he gradually came under attack.

According to this theory, by the time Custer realized he was badly outnumbered, it was too late to break back to the south where Reno and Benteen could have provided assistance. Two men from the 7th Cavalry, the young Crow scout Ashishishe (known in English as Curley) and the trooper, claimed to have seen Custer engage the Indians. The accuracy of their recollections remains controversial; accounts by battle participants and assessments by historians almost universally discredit Thompson's claim. Archaeological evidence and reassessment of Indian testimony has led to a new interpretation of the battle. In the 1920s, battlefield investigators discovered hundreds of.45–55 shell cases along the ridge line known today as Nye-Cartwright Ridge, between South Medicine Tail Coulee and the next drainage at North Medicine Tail (also known as Deep Coulee). Some historians believe Custer divided his detachment into two (and possibly three) battalions, retaining personal command of one while presumably delegating Captain George W. Yates to command the second.

'Custer's Last Stand.' Lieutenant Colonel Custer standing center, wearing buckskin, with few of his soldiers of the 7th Cavalry still standing.

Evidence from the 1920s supports the theory that at least one of the companies made a feint attack southeast from Nye-Cartwright Ridge straight down the center of the 'V' formed by the intersection at the crossing of Medicine Tail Coulee on the right and Calhoun Coulee on the left. The intent may have been to relieve pressure on Reno's detachment (according to the Crow scout Curley, possibly viewed by both Mitch Bouyer and Custer) by withdrawing the skirmish line into the timber on the edge of the Little Bighorn River. Troops come straight down Medicine Tail Coulee, their approach to the Minneconjou Crossing and the northern area of the village would have been masked by the high ridges running on the northwest side of the Little Bighorn River. That they might have come southeast, from the center of Nye-Cartwright Ridge, seems to be supported by Northern Cheyenne accounts of seeing the approach of the distinctly white-colored horses of Company E, known as the Grey Horse Company. Its approach was seen by Indians at that end of the village.

Behind them, a second company, further up on the heights, would have provided long-range cover fire. Warriors could have been drawn to the feint attack, forcing the battalion back towards the heights, up the north fork drainage, away from the troops providing cover fire above. The covering company would have moved towards a reunion, delivering heavy volley fire and leaving the trail of expended cartridges discovered 50 years later. The 'Last Stand' [ ]. 1:5260 of Custer battlefield — surveyed 1891, detailing U.S. Soldiers body locations Modern documentaries suggest that there may not have been a 'Last Stand' as traditionally portrayed in popular culture. Instead, archaeologists suggest that, in the end, Custer's troops were not surrounded but rather overwhelmed by a single charge.

This scenario corresponds to several Indian accounts stating Crazy Horse's charge swarmed the resistance, with the surviving soldiers fleeing in panic. Many of these troopers may have ended up in a deep ravine 300–400 yards away from what is known today as Custer Hill. At least 28 bodies (the most common number associated with burial witness testimony), including that of scout, were discovered in or near that gulch, their deaths possibly the battle's final actions. Although the marker for Mitch Bouyer has been accounted for as being accurate through archaeological and forensic testing, it is some 65 yards away from Deep Ravine. Other archaeological explorations done in Deep Ravine have found no human remains associated with the battle.

According to Indian accounts, about 40 men made a desperate stand around Custer on Custer Hill, delivering volley fire.: 284–85 The great majority of the Indian casualties were probably suffered during this closing segment of the battle, as the soldiers and Indians on Calhoun Ridge were more widely separated and traded fire at greater distances for most of their portion of the battle than did the soldiers and Indians on Custer Hill.: 282 Aftermath [ ]. Plenty Coups Edward Curtis Portrait (c1908). When the Crows got news from the battlefield, they went into grief. Crow woman Pretty Shield told how they were 'crying. For Son-of-the-morning-star [Custer] and his blue soldiers.' With the defeat of Custer, it was still a real threat that the Lakotas would take-over the eastern part of the Crow reservation and keep up the invasion. In the end, the army won the Sioux war.

Crow chief Plenty Coups recalled with amazement, how his tribe now finally could sleep without fear for Lakota attacks. This was the first time I had ever known such a condition.' After the Custer force was annihilated, the Lakota and Northern Cheyenne regrouped to attack Reno and Benteen.

The fight continued until dark (approximately 9:00 pm) and for much of the next day, with the outcome in doubt. Reno credited Benteen's leadership with repulsing a severe attack on the portion of the perimeter held by Companies H and M. On June 27, the column under General Terry approached from the north, and the Indians drew off in the opposite direction. The Crow scout was the first to tell General Terry's officers that Custer's force had 'been wiped out.'

Reno and Benteen's wounded troops were given what treatment was available at that time; five later died of their wounds. One of the regiment's three surgeons had been with Custer's column, while another, Dr. DeWolf, had been killed during Reno's retreat. The only remaining doctor was Assistant Surgeon Henry R.

News of the defeat arrived in the East as the U.S. Was observing its. The Army began to investigate, although its effectiveness was hampered by a concern for survivors, and the reputation of the officers. [ ] The Battle of the Little Bighorn had far-reaching consequences for the Indians. It was the beginning of the end of the Indian Wars and has even been referred to as 'the Indians' last stand' in the area. Within 48 hours of the battle, the large encampment on the Little Bighorn broke up into smaller groups because there was not enough game and grass to sustain a large congregation of people and horses.

Recounted the exodus this way: 'We fled all night, following the Greasy Grass. My two younger brothers and I rode in a pony-drag, and my mother put some young pups in with us.

They were always trying to crawl out and I was always putting them back in, so I didn't sleep much.' Crow warrior joined the U.S. Army for a short time after the defeat of Custer. Two Belly had given him and nearly 30 other Crows a lecture and explained how the Sioux had taken the hunting grounds of the Crow. 'Two Belly said. We should help the soldiers drive them back to their own country.'

The scattered Sioux and Cheyenne feasted and celebrated during July with no threat from soldiers. After their celebrations, many of the Indians slipped back to the reservation. Soon the number of warriors who still remained at large and hostile amounted to only about 600. Both Crook and Terry remained immobile for seven weeks after the battle, awaiting reinforcements and unwilling to venture out against the Indians until they had at least 2,000 men. Crook and Terry finally took the field against the Indians in August. General took command of the effort in October 1876. In May 1877, Sitting Bull escaped to Canada.

Within days, Crazy Horse surrendered at, Nebraska. The Great Sioux War ended on May 7 with Miles' defeat of a remaining band of Sioux. Ownership of the, which had been a focal point of the 1876 conflict, was determined by an ultimatum issued by the Manypenny Commission, according to which the Sioux were required to cede the land to the United States if they wanted the government to continue supplying rations to the reservations.

Threatened with starvation, the Indians ceded to the United States, but the Sioux never accepted the legitimacy of the transaction. They lobbied Congress to create a forum to decide their claim and subsequently litigated for 40 years; the United States Supreme Court in the 1980 decision acknowledged that the United States had taken the Black Hills without just compensation. The Sioux and continue to insist on their right to occupy the land. Participants [ ] 7th Cavalry officers [ ]. An obelisk commemorates the U.S. Army dead and marks the spot of the mass grave where all U.S.

Soldiers were re-buried • Commanding Officer: Lt. (killed) • Maj. • Adjutant: 1st Lt. (killed) • Assistant Surgeon (killed) • Acting Assistant Surgeon (killed) • Acting Assistant Surgeon • Chief of Scouts: 2nd Lt. (detached from A Company, wounded) • 2nd in command of Scouts: 2nd Lt. (detached from K Company) • Pack Train commander: 1st Lt. Edward Gustave Mathey (detached from M Company) • A Company: Capt., 1st Lt.

• B Company: Capt., 2nd Lt. Benjamin Hodgson (killed) as Adjutant to Major Reno • C Company: Capt. (killed), 2nd Lt. (killed) • D Company: Capt., 2nd Lt. • E Company: 1st Lt. (killed), 2nd Lt. Sturgis (killed) • F Company: Capt.

(killed), 2nd Lt. William Reily (killed) • G Company: 1st Lt. (killed), 2nd Lt. Wallace • H Company: Capt., 1st Lt. Francis Gibson • I Company: Capt. (killed), 1st Lt. (killed) • K Company: 1st Lt.

• L Company: 1st Lt. (killed), 2nd Lt. (killed) • M Company: Capt. Thomas French Native American leaders and warriors [ ]. Three of Custer's scouts accompanying on his investigative tour of the battlefield, circa 1907. Left to right:,,, Curtis and (Curtis's assistant and Crow interpreter). The 7th Cavalry was accompanied by a number of scouts and interpreters: •: Arikara/Lakota scout (killed) • Bob Tailed Bull: Arikara scout (killed) • Boy Chief: Arikara scout •: scout (killed) •: Crow scout • Curling Head: Arikara scout •: interpreter •: Crow scout • Goose: Arikara scout (wounded in the hand by a 7th Cavalry trooper) •: Crow scout •, leader of Crow Scouts, also known as Paints Half His Face Yellow: 46 •: interpreter (killed) • Little Brave: Arikara scout (killed) • Little Sioux: Arikara scout •: scout/interpreter (killed) • One Feather: Arikara scout • Owl: Arikara scout •.

Curley, Custer's Crow scout and interpreter through the battle. Red Horse pictographic account of the Battle of Little Bighorn Native American warriors [ ] Estimates of Native American casualties have differed widely, from as few as 36 dead (from Native American listings of the dead by name) to as many as 300.

Lakota chief told Col. Wood in 1877 that the Native Americans suffered 136 dead and 160 wounded during the battle. In 1881, Red Horse told Dr. McChesney the same numbers but in a series of drawings done by Red Horse to illustrate the battle, he drew only sixty figures representing Lakota and Cheyenne casualties. Of those sixty figures only thirty some are portrayed with a conventional Plains Indian method of indicating death. In the last 140 years, historians have been able to identify multiple Indian names pertaining to the same individual, which has greatly reduced previously inflated numbers. Today a list of positively known casualties exists that lists 99 names, attributed and consolidated to 31 identified warriors.

Scene of Custer's Last Stand, looking in the direction of the Indian village and the deep ravine. Photo by Stanley J. Morrow, spring 1877. Beginning in July, the 7th Cavalry was assigned new officers and recruiting efforts began to fill the depleted ranks.

The regiment, reorganized into eight companies, remained in the field as part of the Terry Expedition, now based on the Yellowstone River at the mouth of the Bighorn and reinforced by Gibbon's column. On August 8, 1876, after Terry was further reinforced with the 5th Infantry, the expedition moved up Rosebud Creek in pursuit of the Lakota. It met with Crook's command, similarly reinforced, and the combined force, almost 4,000 strong, followed the Lakota trail northeast toward the. Persistent rain and lack of supplies forced the column to dissolve and return to its varying starting points. The 7th Cavalry returned to Fort Abraham Lincoln to reconstitute.

Expansion of the U.S. Army [ ] The U.S. Congress authorized appropriations to expand the Army by 2,500 men to meet the emergency after the defeat of the 7th Cavalry. For a session, the Democratic Party-controlled House of Representatives abandoned its campaign to reduce the size of the Army. Word of Custer's fate reached the 44th United States Congress as a conference committee was attempting to reconcile opposing appropriations bills approved by the House and the Republican Senate. They approved a measure to increase the size of cavalry companies to 100 enlisted men on July 24.

The committee temporarily lifted the ceiling on the size of the Army by 2,500 on August 15. 'Sell or Starve' [ ]. Main article: As a result of the defeat in June 1876, Congress responded by attaching what the Sioux call the 'sell or starve' rider (19 ) to the Indian Appropriations Act of 1876 (enacted August 15, 1876), which cut off all rations for the Sioux until they terminated hostilities and ceded the Black Hills to the United States.

The Agreement of 1877 (19, enacted February 28, 1877) officially took away Sioux land and permanently established Indian reservations. Controversies [ ] Reno's conduct [ ] The Battle of the Little Bighorn was the subject of an 1879 U.S. Army Court of Inquiry in Chicago, held at Reno's request, during which his conduct was scrutinized. Some testimony by non-Army officers suggested that he was drunk and a coward. The court found Reno's conduct to be without fault. After the battle, Thomas Rosser, James O'Kelly, and others continued to question the conduct of Reno due to his hastily ordered retreat. Defenders of Reno at the trial noted that, while the retreat was disorganized, Reno did not withdraw from his position until it became apparent that he was outnumbered and outflanked by the Indians.

Contemporary accounts also point to the fact that Reno's scout, Bloody Knife, was shot in the head, spraying him with blood, possibly increasing his own panic and distress. Custer's errors [ ] General Terry and others claimed that Custer made strategic errors from the start of the campaign. For instance, he refused to use a battery of Gatling guns, and turned down General Terry's offer of an additional battalion of the 2nd Cavalry. Custer believed that the Gatling guns would impede his march up the Rosebud and hamper his mobility.

His rapid march en route to the Little Bighorn averaged nearly 30 miles (48 km) a day, so his assessment appears to have been accurate. Custer planned 'to live and travel like Indians; in this manner the command will be able to go wherever the Indians can', he wrote in his Herald dispatch.

By contrast, each Gatling gun had to be hauled by four horses, and soldiers often had to drag the heavy guns by hand over obstacles. Each of the heavy, hand-cranked weapons could fire up to 350 rounds a minute, an impressive rate, but they were known to jam frequently.

During the two years earlier, a Gatling gun had turned over, rolled down a mountain, and shattered to pieces. Lieutenant William Low, commander of the artillery detachment, was said to have almost wept when he learned he had been excluded from the strike force. Custer believed that the 7th Cavalry could handle any Indian force and that the addition of the four companies of the 2nd would not alter the outcome. When offered the 2nd Cavalry, he reportedly replied that the 7th 'could handle anything.' There is evidence that Custer suspected that he would be outnumbered by the Indians, although he did not know by how many.

By dividing his forces, Custer could have caused the defeat of the entire column, had it not been for Benteen's and Reno's linking up to make a desperate yet successful stand on the bluff above the southern end of the camp. The historian James Donovan believed that Custer's dividing his force into four smaller detachments (including the pack train) can be attributed to his inadequate reconnaissance; he also ignored the warnings of his Crow scouts and Charley Reynolds.

By the time the battle began, Custer had already divided his forces into three battalions of differing sizes, of which he kept the largest. His men were widely scattered and unable to support each other. Wanting to prevent any escape by the combined tribes to the south, where they could disperse into different groups, Custer believed that an immediate attack on the south end of the camp was the best course of action. Death of Custer, scene by Pawnee Bill's Wild West Show performers c. 1905 of Sitting Bull's stabbing Custer, with dead Native Americans lying on ground Admiration for Custer [ ] Criticism of Custer was not universal.

While investigating the battlefield, Lieutenant General wrote in 1877, 'The more I study the moves here [on the Little Big Horn], the more I have admiration for Custer.' Facing major budget cutbacks, the U.S. Army wanted to avoid bad press and found ways to exculpate Custer. They blamed the defeat on the Indians' alleged possession of numerous repeating rifles and the overwhelming numerical superiority of the warriors. The widowed Elizabeth Bacon Custer, who never remarried, wrote three popular books in which she fiercely protected her husband's reputation.

She lived until 1933, thus preventing much serious research until most of the evidence was long gone. In addition, Captain Frederick Whittaker's 1876 book idealizing Custer was hugely successful. Custer as a heroic officer fighting valiantly against savage forces was an image popularized in Wild West extravaganzas hosted by showman,, and others. It wasn't until over half a century later that historians took another look at the battle and Custer's decisions that led to his death and loss of half his command and found much to criticize.

Gatling gun controversy [ ] General Alfred Terry's Dakota column included a single battery of artillery, comprising two () and two. (According to historian Evan S. Connell, the precise number of Gatlings has not been established, ranging from two to three.). The Gatling gun, invented in 1861. Custer declined an offer of a battery of these weapons, explaining to Terry that they would 'hamper our movements'. Said Custer: 'The 7th can handle anything it meets.' Custer's decision to reject Terry's offer of the rapid-fire Gatlings has raised questions among historians as to why he refused them and what advantage their availability might have conferred on his forces at the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

One factor concerned Major Marcus Reno's recent 8-day reconnaissance-in-force of the Powder-Tongue-Rosebud Rivers, June 10 to 18. This deployment had demonstrated that artillery pieces mounted on gun carriages and hauled by horses no longer fit for cavalry mounts (so-called condemned horses) were cumbersome over mixed terrain and vulnerable to breakdowns. Custer, valuing the mobility of the 7th Cavalry and recognizing Terry's acknowledgement of the regiment as 'the primary strike force' preferred to remain unencumbered by the Gatling guns. Custer insisted that the artillery was superfluous to his success, in that the 7th Cavalry alone was sufficient to cope with any force they should encounter, informing Terry: 'The 7th can handle anything it meets'. In addition to these practical concerns, a strained relationship with Major James Brisbin induced Custer's polite refusal to integrate Brisbin's Second Cavalry unit – and the Gatling guns – into his strike force, as it would disrupt any hierarchical arrangements that Custer presided over. Historians have acknowledged the firepower inherent in the Gatling gun: they were capable of firing 350.45-70 caliber rounds per minute. Jamming caused by black powder residue could lower that rate, raising questions as to their reliability under combat conditions.

Researchers have further questioned the effectiveness of the guns under the tactics that Custer was likely to face with the Lakota and Cheyenne warriors. The Gatlings, mounted high on carriages, required the battery crew to stand upright during its operation, making them easy targets for Lakota and Cheyenne sharpshooters. Historian, in a section entitled 'Would Gatling Guns Have Saved Custer?' Presents two judgments from Custer's contemporaries: General, expert in the tactical use of artillery in Civil War, stated that Gatlings 'would probably have saved the command', whereas General, participant in the Great Sioux War declared '[Gatlings] were useless for Indian fighting.'

Weapons [ ] Lakota and Cheyenne [ ] The Lakota and Cheyenne warriors that opposed Custer's forces possessed a wide array of weaponry, from war clubs and lances to the most advanced firearms of the day. The typical firearms carried by the Lakota and Cheyenne combatants were, more often a smoothbore, the so-called Indian trade musket or Leman guns distributed to Indians by the US government at treaty conventions. Less common were surplus.58 caliber rifled muskets of American Civil War vintage such as the and. Metal cartridge weapons were prized by native combatants, such as the and the lever-action rifles, as well as breechloaders. Bows and arrows were utilized by younger braves in lieu of the more potent firearms; effective up to 30 yards (27 meters), the arrows could readily maim or disable an opponent. A Henry Rifle and a Winchester Mod 1866 Rifle. These rifles were capable of higher rates of fire than the Springfield Trapdoor.

Sitting Bull's forces had no assured means to supply themselves with firearms and ammunition. Nonetheless, they could usually procure these through post-traders, licensed or unlicensed, and from gunrunners who operated in the Dakota Territory: 'a horse or a mule for a repeaterbuffalo hides for ammunition.' Custer's highly regarded guide, 'Lonesome', informed his superior in early 1876 that Sitting Bull's forces were amassing weapons, including numerous Winchester repeating rifles and abundant ammunition.

Of the guns owned by Lakota and Cheyenne fighters at the Little Bighorn, approximately 200 were repeating rifles corresponding to about 1 of 10 of the encampment's two thousand able-bodied fighters who participated in the battle 7th Cavalry [ ] The troops under Custer's command carried two regulation firearms authorized and issued by the U.S. Army in early 1876: the breech-loading, single-shot carbine, and the 1873 single-action revolver. The regulation or 'long knives' were not carried by troopers upon Custer's order. With the exception of a number of officers and scouts who opted for personally owned and more expensive rifles and handguns, the 7th Cavalry was uniformly armed.

Ammunition allotments provided 100 carbine rounds per trooper, carried on a and in saddlebags on their mounts. An additional 50 carbine rounds per man were reserved on the pack train that accompanied the regiment to the battlefield. Each trooper had 24 rounds for his Colt handgun. The opposing forces, though not equally matched in the number and type of arms, were comparably outfitted, and neither side held a overwhelming advantage in weaponry. Lever-action Repeaters vs. Single-shot Breechloaders [ ] Two hundred or more Lakota and Cheyenne combatants are known to have been armed with Henry, Winchester, or similar lever-action repeating rifles at the battle.

Virtually every trooper in the 7th Cavalry fought with the single-shot, breech-loading Springfield carbine and the Colt revolver. Historians have asked whether the repeating rifles conferred a distinct advantage on Sitting Bull's villagers that contributed to their victory over Custer's carbine-armed soldiers. Historian Michael L.

Lawson offers a scenario based on archaeological collections at the 'Henryville' site, which yielded plentiful Henry rifle cartridge casings from approximately 20 individual guns. Lawson speculates that, though less powerful than the Springfield carbines, the Henry repeaters provided a barrage of fire at a critical point, driving Lieutenant James Calhoun's L Company from Calhoun Hill and Finley Ridge, forcing them to flee in disarray back to Captain Myles Keogh's I Company, and leading to the disintegration of that wing of Custer's Battalion.

Model 1873 Springfield carbine and the U.S. Army [ ] After exhaustive testing – including comparisons to domestic and foreign single-shot and repeating rifles – the Army Ordnance Board (whose members included officers Marcus Reno and Alfred Terry) authorized the Springfield as the official firearm for the United State Army. The Springfield, manufactured in a.45-70 long rifle version for the infantry and a.45-55 light carbine version for the cavalry, was judged a solid firearm that met the long-term and geostrategic requirements of the United States fighting forces. Tomahawk and sabre; or even odds, painting by (1861–1912). This kind of combat never occurred at the Battle of the Little Bighorn: none of the 7th Cavalry carried sabers on Custer's orders. British historian Mark Gallear maintains that US government experts rejected the lever-action repeater designs, deeming them ineffective in the event of a clash with fully equipped European armies, or in case of an outbreak of another American civil conflict.

Gallear's analysis minimizes the allegation that rapid depletion of ammunition in lever-action models influenced the decision in favor of the single-shot Springfield. The, in this context, appears as a minor theatre of conflict, whose contingencies were unlikely to govern the selection of standard weaponry for an emerging industrialized nation. The Springfield carbine is praised for its 'superior range and stopping power' by historian James Donovan, and author Charles M. Robinson reports that the rifle could be 'loaded and fired much more rapidly than its muzzle loading predecessors, and had twice the range of repeating rifles such as the Winchester, Henry and Spencer.' Gallear points out that lever-action rifles, after a burst of rapid discharge, still required a reloading interlude that lowered their overall rate of fire; Springfield breechloaders 'in the long run, had a higher rate of fire, which was sustainable throughout a battle.' The breechloader design patent for the Springfield's Erskine S.

Allin was owned by the US government and the firearm could be easily adapted for production with existing machinery at the in Massachusetts. At time when funding for the post-war Army had been slashed, the prospect for economical production influenced the Ordnance Board member selection of the Springfield option. Malfunction of the Springfield carbine extractor mechanism [ ] The question as to whether the reported malfunction of the Model 1873 Springfield carbine issued to the 7th Cavalry contributed to their defeat has been debated for years. That the weapon experienced jamming of the extractor is not contested, but its contribution to Custer's defeat is considered negligible. This conclusion is supported by evidence from archaeological studies performed at the battlefield, where the recovery of Springfield cartridge casing, bearing tell-tale scratch marks indicating manual extraction, were rare. The flaw in the ejector mechanism was known to the Army Ordnance Board at the time of the selection of the Model 1873 rifle and carbine, and was not considered a significant shortcoming in the overall worthiness of the shoulder arm. With the ejector failure in US Army tests as low as 1:300, the Springfield carbine was vastly more reliable than the muzzle-loading Springfields used in the Civil War.

Gallear addresses the post-battle testimony concerning the copper.45-55 cartridges supplied to the troops in which an officer is said to have cleared the chambers of spent cartridges for a number of Springfield carbines. This testimony of widespread fusing of the casings offered to the Chief of Ordnance at the Reno Court of Inquiry in 1879 conflicts with the archaeological evidence collected at the battlefield. Field data showed that possible extractor failures occurred at a rate of approximately 1:30 firings at the Custer Battlefield and at a rate of 1:37 at the Reno-Benteen Battlefield. Historian Thom Hatch observes that the Model 1873 Springfield, despite the known ejector flaw, remained the standard issue shoulder arm for US troops until the early 1890s. When the copper-cased, inside-primed cartridges were replaced with brass. Survivor claims [ ].

John Martin wearing the US Army uniform, ca. 1904 Soldiers under Custer's direct command were annihilated on the first day of the battle (except for three and several troopers (including ) that had left that column before the battle; one Crow scout,, was the only survivor to leave after the battle had begun), although for years rumors persisted of other survivors. Over 120 men and women would come forward over the course of the next 70 years claiming they were 'the lone survivor' of Custer's Last Stand. The phenomenon became so widespread that one historian remarked, 'Had Custer had all of those who claimed to be 'the lone survivor' of his two battalions he would have had at least a brigade behind him when he crossed the Wolf Mountains and rode to the attack.' The historian suggested he had collected at least 70 'lone survivor' stories. Michael Nunnally, an amateur Custer historian, wrote a booklet describing 30 such accounts.

Graham claimed that even Libby Custer received dozens of letters from men, in shocking detail, about their sole survivor experience. At least 125 alleged 'single survivor' tales have been confirmed in the historical record as of July 2012., from, had such a convincing story that historian Charles Kuhlman believed the alleged survivor, going so far as to write a lengthy defense of Finkel's participation in the battle. Douglas Ellison—mayor of, and an amateur historian—also wrote a book in support of the veracity of Finkel's claim, but most scholars reject it. Some of these survivors held a form of celebrity status in the United States, among them Raymond Hatfield 'Arizona Bill' Gardner and Frank Tarbeaux.

A few even published their own autobiographies, including their deeds at the Little Bighorn. Almost as soon as men came forward implying or directly pronouncing their unique role in the battle, there were others who were equally opposed to any such claims., a battle participant who later became a controversial historian on the event, wrote (in regards to Charles Hayward's claim to have been with Custer and taken prisoner): The Indians always insisted that they took no prisoners.

If they did—a thing I firmly believe—they were tortured and killed the night of the 25th. As an evidence of this I recall the three charred and burned heads we picked up in the village near the scene of the big war dance, when we visited the village with Capt. Benteen and Lieut. Wallace on the morning of the 27th. I'm sorely afraid, Tony, that we will have to class Hayward's story, like that of so many others, as pure, unadulterated B.

As a clerk at headquarters I had occasion to look over the morning reports of at least the six troops at Lincoln almost daily, and never saw his name there, or among the list of scouts employed from time to time.I am hoping that some day all of these damned fakirs will die and it will be safe for actual participants in the battle to admit and insist that they were there, without being branded and looked upon as a lot of damned liars. Actually, there have been times when I have been tempted to deny that I ever heard of the 7th Cavalry, much less participated with it in that engagement.My Medal of Honor and its inscription have served me as proof positive that I was at least in the vicinity at the time in question, otherwise I should be tempted to deny all knowledge of the event. The only documented and verified survivor of Custer’s command (having been actually involved in Custer's part of the battle) was Captain Keogh's horse,. The wounded horse was discovered on the battlefield by General Terry's troops, and although other cavalry mounts survived they had been taken by the Indians. Comanche eventually was returned to the fort and became the regimental mascot. Several other badly wounded horses were found and destroyed at the scene. Writer noted in.

In 1887 Comanche was reputed to be the only survivor of the Little Bighorn, but quite a few Seventh Cavalry mounts survived, probably more than one hundred, and there was even a yellow bulldog. Comanche lived on another fifteen years, and when he died, he was stuffed and to this day remains in a glass case at the University of Kansas. So, protected from moths and souvenir hunters by his humidity-controlled glass case, Comanche stands patiently, enduring generation after generation of undergraduate jokes. The other horses are gone, and the mysterious yellow bulldog is gone, which means that in a sense the legend is true. Comanche alone survived. For more on survivor claims, see.

Battlefield preservation [ ]. Indian Memorial by Colleen Cutschall The site of the battle was first preserved as a United States in 1879 to protect the graves of the 7th Cavalry troopers. In 1946, it was re-designated as the Custer Battlefield, reflecting its association with Custer. In 1967, Major Marcus Reno was re-interred in the cemetery with honors, including an eleven-gun salute. Beginning in the early 1970s, there was concern within the over the name Custer Battlefield National Monument failing to adequately reflect the larger history of the battle between two cultures.

Hearings on the name change were held in on June 10, 1991, and during the following months Congress renamed the site the Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument. United States memorialization of the battlefield began in 1879 with a temporary monument to the U.S. In 1881, the current marble obelisk was erected in their honor. In 1890, marble blocks were added to mark the places where the U.S.

Cavalry soldiers fell. Nearly 100 years later, ideas about the meaning of the battle have become more inclusive. The United States government acknowledged that Native American sacrifices also deserved recognition at the site. The 1991 bill changing the name of the national monument also authorized an Indian Memorial to be built near Last Stand Hill in honor of Lakota and Cheyenne warriors.

The commissioned work by native artist is shown in the photograph at right. On Memorial Day 1999, in consultation with tribal representatives, the U.S. Added two red granite markers to the battlefield to note where Native American warriors fell.

As of December 2006, a total of ten warrior markers have been added (three at the Reno–Benteen Defense Site and seven on the Little Bighorn Battlefield). The Indian Memorial, themed 'Peace Through Unity' l is an open circular structure that stands 75 yards (69 metres) from the 7th Cavalry obelisk. Its walls have some of the names of Indians who died at the site, as well as native accounts of the battle.

The open circle of the structure is symbolic, as for many tribes, the circle is sacred. The 'spirit gate' window facing the Cavalry monument is symbolic as well, welcoming the dead cavalrymen into the memorial.

In popular culture [ ]. See also: • 's 1881 painting Custer's Last Rally was the first of the large images of this battle. It was 11 ft by 20 ft and toured the country for over 17 years.

• In 1896, Anheuser-Busch commissioned from Otto Becker a lithographed, modified version of Cassily Adam's painting Custer's Last Fight, which was distributed as a print to saloons all over America. It is reputed to still be in some bars today. • completed his painting Custer's Last Stand in 1899. In 1963, the noted historian and Western art authority, deemed Paxson's painting 'the best pictoral representation of the battle' and 'from a purely artistic standpoint.one of the best if not the finest pictures which have been created to immortalize that dramatic event.' • Noted artist painted The Custer Fight in 1903, concentrating on the Indians. • In 1912, the first movie about the battle, titled, was released.

• In 1916, Britton of the Seventh, starring, was released in the U.S. • In 1927, Little Big Horn opened in theaters in the U.S., featuring with John Beck as Custer. • The 1936 is a heavily fictionalized version of events leading up to the battle.

• (1941) is a highly fictionalized account of the battle, with Custer portrayed. • In the 1952 Western, a soldier played by witnesses the closing stages of the battle from a distance, having ridden to try to warn Custer. Earlier in the film Custer was seen leading the 7th Cavalry off on the campaign which climaxed at the Little Bighorn. The battle scene is actually a clip from. • In the 1954 western, Chief Sitting Bull of the Sioux tribe is forced by the Indian-hating General Custer to react with violence, resulting in the famous Last Stand at the Little Bighorn. • In the 1956 movie, directed by Joseph H.

Lewis, the captain Benson (), aide-de-camp of colonel Custer, comes back to the fort just after the battle and discovers half of the men died. Because he was on leave during the battle, he is seen as a coward by the other soldiers. • The 1958 film is a highly fictionalized history of the horse that survived the battle.

This was the first film to tell the story from the Indian point-of-view, with a fairly accurate version of the battle taking place near the end of the film. • Two 1960 episodes of the TV series 'Cheyenne' focus on the circumstances and motivations leading up to the battle, as well as the roles of Custer and Reno. • The 1963 episode of the TV series is a science fiction treatment where three present day National Guardsman actually end up in the battle.

• The 1964 novel by American author includes an account of the battle (and see below for the film of the novel). • The 1965 film stars as Custer and as Captain Benteen (called Benton in this film). • The 1967 film stars as Custer and concludes with the Battle of the Little Bighorn. • The 1970 film portrays a manic and somewhat psychotic Custer () realizing to his horror that he and his command are 'being wiped out.' • The 1977 television film The Court-Martial of George Armstrong Custer, starring as Custer, was based on a controversial best-selling novel by Douglas C.

Jones in which Custer survives the battle and must explain his actions in court. • The television miniseries, based on 's bestselling book, debuted in 1991. The film recounted the story of Custer () and the Battle of the Little Bighorn. • In 2005, the battle was portrayed in the mini-series • In 2007, the BBC presented a one-hour drama-documentary titled Custer's Last Stand.

• The 2007 HBO production depicts the last stand of the 7th Cavalry at the beginning of the movie. • The May 2011 episode of the program featured (and guests) discussing the context, conditions, and consequences of the battle. • provided a depiction of the battle through the perspective of a young American Indian boy in his 2007 novel. • In 2017, historian covered the battle and the events leading to it in a three-part series on the 'History on Fire' podcast See also [ ] • • •, an earlier overwhelming defeat of the U.S. Military by Native Americans Notes [ ]. Sheridan (Company L), the brother of Lt. Gen., served only seven months in 1866–67 before becoming permanent aide to his brother but remained on the rolls until 1882.

Ilsley (Company E) was aide to Maj. Gen from 1866 to 1879, when he finally joined his command. Tourtelotte (Company G) never joined the 7th. A fourth captain, Owen Hale (Company K), was the regiment's recruiting officer in St.

Louis and rejoined his company immediately. • Testimony of Yellow Nose. • Reno Court of Inquiry.

• According to United States v. Sioux Nation of Indians, 448 U.S. 371 (1980), the US government had to pay just compensation and interest to the Sioux for taking the Black Hills. This case confirmed the court's view that the government can treat Indian reservations like private property and take them by if just compensation is paid. • Major Elmer I. Otis of the was promoted to replace Custer effective June 25, 1876, but did not report until February 1877. Two 1876 West Point graduates designated for the 7th Cavalry were advanced to 1st lieutenant effective 10 days after their graduation.

Four others appointed to other regiments, along with eight experienced 2nd lieutenants, were transferred and designated one to each company of the 7th. However, five declined the appointment, replaced by 2nd lieutenants of infantry and unappointed new officers in July and August 1876. Only three replacements were able to report while the 7th was still in the field. • Twenty-three men were called to testify at the inquiry, which met in session daily except Sundays. For the army, far more was at stake than individual reputations, as the future of the service could be affected.

On January 2, General Sheridan had quoted Lee's report of agent malfeasance in a supplement to his annual report, which continued the General's running battle with the and the. At the same time, a House committee was busy debating a new appropriations bill that required a major reorganization of the army. 'Reduction of expenses' was emphasized. One proposal would lop off entire regiments, including two cavalry regiments. Another would set the line officers (those in the field) from Major down back a few years in the promotion schedule.

The total reduction in officers was proposed to be 406, almost 25 percent of the total. The military strongly wanted to avoid confirmation of incompetency or cowardice – rumors of which were circulating around the impending court of inquiry in Chicago.

Donovan (2008). A Terrible Glory (Kindle Locations 6395–6403) • Libbie Custer 'spent almost sixty years commemorating her marriage—and her memories of it quite literally kept her alive.she was quintessentially the professional widow, forcing it to become a very touchy matter for any military writer or officer to criticize Custer for having insanely launched an attack without taking the most elementary precautions or making even an attempt at reconnaissance. To say or write such put one in the position of standing against bereaved Libbie'. Smith, Gene (1993) op cit. • Graham, 146. Edward Godfrey reported finding a dead 7th Cavalry horse (shot in the head), a grain sack, and a carbine at the mouth of the Rosebud River.

He conjectured that a soldier had escaped Custer's fight and rafted across the river, abandoning his played-out horse. • Badly wounded, the horse had been overlooked or left behind by the victors, who had taken the other surviving horses. Comanche was taken back to the steamer Far West and returned to Fort Abraham Lincoln to be nursed back to health. References [ ].

Swords, Daggers, Knives, Bayonets For Sale - Part of Gunbooks & Militaria Site Swords, Daggers, Knives, Bayonets For Sale Items on this page are for shipment to U.S. You will need to certify that you are over 21. All the items on this page are sold as collectibles or for display only. They are not intended for actual use. Updated July 3, 2016 (All Prices Have Been Reduced) Please allow $6.50 to $9.50 (depending on location and weight) for insured or delivery confirmed shipping. All items on this page may be returned for full refund (other than shipping cost) if not satisfied.

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Both numbered 0936. One is a Damascus single blade Trapper with Mother of Pearl. The other is a four blade Sow Belly with Abalone and Mother of Pearl. As new, $145 the set..... • Melvin Pardue Custom Folding Tanto Knife, 9' open, action is smooth as butter, condition 1 (Perfect - The dot on the blade in the photo is a raindrop not a flaw). (Use browser 'BACK' to return to this page). • Knives: Swiss Army Knife by Colonial, condition 2, $20.

• Knives: Case XX Model 523 SSP, 1983 date, knife & sheath in older multicolored box, as new, $95... • Knives: 3' Silver sided engraved knife. Blade & nail file, rusty, but intact. Probable blades from other side missing, condition 3.5, $15.

• Knives: Tiny 1.5' white, single-bladed, well made pocket knife. Has number, but no name. Condition 1.5, $8. • Knives: Tactical knife, 'Jaguar/Lighweight', about 8' open, with belt or boot clip, stainless, as new, $8. • Knives: Victorinox Commemorative, 1985 issue, Sempach Battle 1386, in wooden case, case conditon 2.5, knife condition 1, $70., • Knives: 'Falcon' German hand-made Lock-back knife, 8 1/2' overall, exceptionally smooth action, $30. The Items below have been sold, but are being left on this page as reference.

• Knives: Case xx Model 6220 SS, (about 1984), as new, $30. (SOLD) • Knives: Case XX Doctor's Knife 6185 SSP (about 1980), as new, $45. (SOLD) • Knives: Tactical knife, Locks both open and closed, about 8' open, with belt or boot clip, stainless, as new, China manufacture, $8. (SOLD) • Ethnographic Axe: African original axe.

Most likely Ethiopean war axe. Made with hammered iron bent around a crooked limb. Nice condition 2. Click on photo to enlarge it... • Knives & Zippo set, Pocket Worn Case & Zippo Limited Edition Set, No. 522, as new condition 1, with original shipping folder, $90., (SOLD) • Knives: Probably Persian or Khyber Long Knife. Cowrie shell covering on grip and scabbard.

16 1/2' overall, condition 3, $120. Click on photo to enlarge it.

(SOLD) • Knives: WWI Red Cross combination folding spoon and pocket knife by Camillus. Nice condition 2. (SOLD) • Bayonet: U.S. Model M7, with M10 scabbard, no maker's name on bayonet, condition 1, $40. (SOLD) • Knives: American Blade Lock-back with U.S. Marine Corp emblem on blade, 5 1/2' open, handles seems to be bone. (SOLD) • Bayonet:: WWII Japanese Arisaka Bayonet and scabbard.

Early manufacture without a serial number. The Arsenal is Koishikawa/Tokyo. (Johnson Reference number 30). The grips are dinged but the blade is unsharpened and very nice. There is an almost not visible tiny nick in the blade toward the front. Look at the closeup and see if you can spot it.

Overall condition is a nice 2. Click on photo to enlarge it.,, (SOLD) • Knives: PAL RH-36 WWII 6 inch fighting knife with leather scabbard. (SOLD) • British No.9 Mk-1 Bayonet and scabbard, 1954 mfg, for.303 No.4 or Sten Submachine Gun, condition 1, $35. (SOLD) • Taiwanese Atayal Knife and Carved Wooden Sheath: Blade length 15'. Very nice carving on scabbard and knife hilt. Nice condition 2.

Click on photo to enlarge it... • Knives: Arabic Jambaya. 12' overall, unusual bronze and bone handle, bronze scabbard, condition 2.5, $75. Click on photo to enlarge it.

(SOLD) • Scabbard: 1887 U.S. Hospital Knife Scabbard, Watervliet Arsenal, not marked but I think this is correct. If it is not, I will do a full refund other than postage. Nice condition 2. (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S.M7, for M-16, Conetta, condition 2, missing scabbard web strap. (SOLD) • Knives: Smith & Wesson American Series Model 6085 w/scabbard, as new, $35.

(SOLD) • Knife: Ka-bar U.S.M.C. 7' Fighting Knife, condition 1, This knife is guaranteed NOT to be either of World War II vintage, or of official Marine Corp issue! (SOLD) • Knives: Lakota engraved Teal knife, marked Saburai, as new, $45. (SOLD) • Knives: Solingen 4' blade with real stag grip.

Logo is is either HF or FH in a circle. This looks like pre-war Germany.

The knife is condition 1. The scabbard has a small repair at the top rear. (SOLD) • Knives: Solingen 4' blade with real stag's foot grip. Logo is is either HF or FH in a circle. This looks like pre-war Germany and is a high quality condition 1 item, $55. Click on photo to enlarge it. • Knives: Tactical knife, 'Master', about 8' open, with belt or boot clip, stainless, as new, $12.95.

(SOLD) • Knives: Tactical knife, 'Jaguar', about 8' open, with belt or boot clip, stainless, as new, $9.95. (SOLD) • Knives: Unusual Hunting knife professionally forged by Pearce out of a Railroad Spike. 9 1/4' overall, 6 1/2' blade. Beautifully done, with hand made scabbard in wood case, as new, I have seen it on the internet at $76.95. My price $65.. (SOLD) • Knives: Ninja 'Grabbag' See pic. Click on photo to enlarge it, $15....

(SOLD) • Knives: Tramontina - Brazil, 5' blade hunting knife, imitation stag grip, leather sheath. Sharpened but nice condition 3. (SOLD) • Knives: Smith & Wesson CH001SER Folding knife, 8 1/4' opened, condition 1 - new, W/box & instructions, $10. (SOLD) • Knives: Klein Folding lock-blade Pruning Knife, condition 3, $10. (SOLD) • Knives: Albacete Lock-back, unusual wood side plates, overall well-made, condition 1.5. (SOLD) • Knives: Tactical knife, marked 'U.S.A.' , about 8' open, with belt or boot clip,stainless, as new, $9.95.

(SOLD) • Knives: Reproduction Luftwaffe Dagger, new condition 1, $45. (SOLD) • Knives: Wood and bronze Jambaya. 14' overall, 8 1/5' blade, condition 2.5, one ring mount repaired, $70.

Click on photo to enlarge it. (SOLD) • Knives: Schrade lockback Old Timer Model 50TG, as new w/box, $25. (SOLD) • Knives: Folding Fish Knife by Colonial, condition 2, $15.

(SOLD) • Knives: Vietnam Commemorative lock-back folding knife. (SOLD) • Bayonet: Czech BRNO VZ-24 for Czech 7.92, condition 1.5, (Item D-119), $65. (SOLD) • Knives: Reproduction Bronze Tone Luftwaffe Dagger, new condition 1, $45. (SOLD) • Knives: Hunting knife, 8 1/2' overall, well-made stainless, aluminun and laminated wood, China manufacture, condition 1, $15. >(SOLD) • Knives: Desert Storm Commemorative folding knife by Colonial. 3 blades, condition 2. (SOLD) • Knives: Israel Souvenir Knife/Letter Opener, 8 1/4', condition 1.

(SOLD) • Knives: Hefty lockback knife and saw, 8 3/4' open, 'Ideal', with sheath, condition 1.5. >(SOLD) • Knives: Oversize folding lockback marked 'Tramontina', Brazil, 11 3/4' overall. Condition 1.5. (SOLD) • Knives: Small four blade pocket knife with logo 'Lord Calvert', Condition 3, $12.

(SOLD) • Bayonets: Czech Model VZ-24 for the Czech Mauser, unusual with cutting edge upward, condition 4, $25. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Spanish Model 1893 for 7mm Mauser, German/Simpson manufacture, no scabbard, condition 2 1/2, $25. (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. M4 Bayonet, Conetta, for M1 Carbine, with USM8A scabbard, clean condition 1.5 $75. (SOLD) • Knives: Hand guard dagger from India, 8 1/2' etched blade.

Condition 1.5, $15. (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. M6, for M-14, Milpar, condition 3.5, $60. (SOLD) • Bayonets: British WWI Pattern 1907/1913 Bayonet & Scabbard.

With Broad Arrow and Remington Circle. Nice clean condition 2, $90.... (SOLD) • Knives: Pre-WWII Solingen sheath knife with real stag handle. Marked 'Sabre Monarch', condition 2.5, $45. (SOLD) • Ethnographic: Moro (Probably Borneo) Headhunter's Barong.

Blade is 18 1/2', very nice condition 2 Museum Quality, $245.,, (SOLD) • Knives: 'Do Everything Knife', stag grips, fork, spoon, scissors, blades, even corkscrew and kitchen sink, condition 2.5. Click on photo to enlarge it. (SOLD) • Knives: Unusual, heavy bronze Jambaya. 15 1/2' overall, 8 1/4' blade, nice condition 1.5, $145. Click on photo to enlarge it. • Knives: 5' blade, cute Mexican sheath knife, legend: (in Spanish) 'I Am Your Defense, Baby', condition 2 $35. (SOLD) • Bayonet: French Model 1916, for Lebel 1886/93 rifle as used in French Indo China, un-numbered scabbard, condition 1.5.

(SOLD) • Knives: WWII PAL U.S. Marine fighting knife, 7 inch blade with MK2 scabbard. Condition 3 1/2, pommel has been replaced. (SOLD) • Knives: Interesting and attractive Jambaya. Wood and silvered brass. 15' overall, 9' blade, condition 2.5, $165.

Click on photo to enlarge it. Cisco Wireless Adapter Driver on this page. • Knives: Animal bone and brass Jambaya.

14' overall, 8 1/5' blade, condition 2.5, $145. Click on photo to enlarge it. • Bayonet: Japanese Arisaka bayonet and scabbard, Jinsen Arsenal, (Johnson 111), Battle-sharpened condition 2.5. $95., (SOLD) • Bayonet: U.S. Garand bayonet cut to 6.5 inch M4, with U.S. M8A1 scabbard. (SOLD) • Knives: Camillus Lock-back (No.

3) Blade marked 'Jim Catfish Hunter', 7' open, with scabbard, nice condition 2 1/2, see photos, $25.. (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. M7 for M-16, Conetta, condition 1.5. (SOLD) • Knives: Older 'Official Boy Scouts of America', 4 1/2' blade sheath knife. (SOLD) • Knives: U.S. Mark 2, 7 1/2' Combat Knife, 'Ontario', Handle is black paint. I do not know if the paint is original but it looks very much like the one illustrated in Sylvie's book, overall condition 2, $85., (SOLD) • Knives: Cossack Kindjal and scabbard, Russian or Caucasian, Hard to find with curved blade like this.

Overall length 26 1/2', blade is 21'. Condition 2.5, $375. Mitsubishi Srk35gz L1 Manual Muscle here. Click on photo to enlarge it. (SOLD) • Knives: U.S. Navy Mark II 7' Fighting Knife, with leather sheath.

Sheath needs hilt strap, overall very nice condition 2, $85. (SOLD) • Knives: 'Jowika', pre-war Germany sheath knife, 6 1/4' blade, claw and ball pommel, Nice condition 1.5., $45. (SOLD) • Knives: From Finland, 6' Sheath Knife and deep scabbard. Marked 'Made in Finland' Excellent quality.

Condition 1.5, $45. (SOLD) • Knives: Reproduction 'Black SA Dagger, new condition 1, $45.. (SOLD) • Bayonets: British WWI Pattern 1907/1913 Bayonet & Scabbard. With Broad Arrow and Remington Circle. Nice clean condition 2 1/2, Scabbard has almost invisible mounting hole., $85..... (SOLD) • Bayonets: Japanese Arisaka, Tokyo Electric (Johnson 101), neat battle sharpened, condition 2,5.

$90., (SOLD) • Bayonets: Czech BRNO VZ-24 Bayonet, for CZ 24 Mauser etc., very clean condition 1.5, $65. (SOLD) • Knives: Victorinox/Marlboro Many-Bladed Swiss Army Knife, New, condition 1, $50. (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. 45-70 Socket bayonet, no scabbard, some pitting, condition 3.5, $55. (SOLD) • Knives: Cal-Hawk 'The Defender' Hunting Knife, 10 1/4' overall, new condition 1, $15. (SOLD) • Knives: Old timer, all brass sides, pocket knife. Rough (condition 4.5) but interesting.

There is a logo in a circle but I cannot make it out. 3.5' closed, $35. (SOLD) • Swedish sheath knife, 6' blade, 'P.

Holmberg - Eskilstuna', real stag grips, Beautifully made, condition 1, $55. (SOLD) • Bayonets: French Model 1892 Modified (1915), 2nd Pattern for Berthier Mannlicher, (Keisling No. (SOLD) • Knives, Ethnographic: African Azande (Congo/Sudan) dagger, 7 1/4' blade, condition 2.5, small wood chip out of grip, (see photo), $85. Click on photo to enlarge it. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Japanese Type 30 Bayonet and scabbard, Nagoya Arsenal, Johnson Type 35, condition 2, $95. (SOLD) • Bayonets: British, No.7 MK 1, for SMLE No.4, Sten or EM2, no scabbard, condition 1.5, $85. (SOLD) • Knives: Pre-WWII Solingen sheath knife by Felix Gloriawerk, 5' blade, real stag handle, condition 3.5, $30.

(SOLD) • Bayonet: French Model 1886/91/16/35 for Lebel Rifle, scabbard not matched, condition 2, $80. (SOLD) • Dress Bayonet: WWII German Army Short Dress Bayonet with scabbard, frog and red felt. Maker is Emil Voss - Solingen, Condition 1.5, $110. (SOLD) • Knife: U.S. Navy World War II Cammilus Mark II 7' Navy Fighting Knife with USN MK-2 Scabbard, nice condition 2, $120. Click on photo to enlarge it., (SOLD).

• Knife: Albacete Locking pocket knife, (Inox), condition 2, $12. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Swiss 1889/11 (1911), for Schmidt-Rubin rifle, 'Waffenfabrik Neuhausen', condition 1.5.

(SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. M5-1, J&D Tool, for M1 Garand, condition 2.5, $55. (SOLD) • Knives: Well made sheath knife with Horsehead grip top. Marked 'Will & Finck - S.F. , but not original or old. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Japanese Arisaka bayonet, Kokura-Hourglass, (Johnson No.46), Really nice condition 1.5. (SOLD) • Knife: Hard to find U.S.

Model 1909 Military Bolo Knife, Plumb - 1917, condition 2.5. Click on photo to enlarge it. (SOLD) • Knives: Hitler Youth knife, nice clean reproduction, condition 1. (SOLD) • Knife: Grohmann Sheath Knife, 5' blade, 9 3/4' overall, Nova Scotia, Canada, Condition 1, $45.

(SOLD) • Bayonets: British Pattern 1907w/broad arrow, condition 3.5, $35. (SOLD) • Knives: Swedish sheath knife, 4 5/8' blade, G.C. (SOLD) • Knives: Sabre/Japan sheath knife, 6' blade, imitation stag condition 2, $15. (SOLD) • Knives: Hunting Knife, 6 1/2' blade, marked 'Tuf-Stag, Ultra Honed, also Prov.U.S.A.

(SOLD) • Knives: Sheath Knife, marked 'Original', Japan mfg., 6' blade. (SOLD) • Bayonet: French Model 1886/93/16 long bayonet for Lebel, condition 2, $85. (SOLD) • Bayonets:WWII German, Marked 42ASW, bayonet condition 3 (light sharpening), scabbard not matched, condition 3.5, light rust, $75., (SOLD) • British 1907 - 2nd pattern Bayonet, Scabbard and frog. Post-1916 oil hole. Probably Wilkinson mfg., Overall condition 2.5, $75.

(SOLD) • Bayonets: Belgian FN FAL with flash prongs and recoil absorber. Watts & White No. 105, hard to find, condition 1.5.

(SOLD) • Bayonets:WWII German short Dress Dagger, scabbard & frog, 'Curna', lightly honed condition 2, $90. (SOLD) • Bayonets: WWII WKC Nazi Army Short Dress Bayonet, scabbard and frog. Right side is condition 1.5, left side is condition 2, scabbard and frog condition 2. (SOLD) • Knives: Case 02000 White handle Bowie Knife and sheath, in original box, as new, condition 1, $90., (SOLD) • Bayonets: Rare 1917 French Indo-China variation of the Model 1916 bayonet, For the shortened Lebel 1886/93 rifle. With scabbard and frog.

Condition 1.5, $85. (SOLD) • Knives: Hitler Youth knife, reproduction, condition 2. Unusual reversal of red and white in the logo, $45. (SOLD) • Knife: Terminator 2 Dagger and scabbard, authorized reproduction by United, 13' overall, condition 1, $65. Click on photo to enlarge it.... (SOLD) • Knives: 8' blade Hunting knife, 'Tramontina/Brazil', stainless, condition 2 except for a couple of nicks in the cutting edge.

Scabbard needs some stitching, $15. (SOLD) • Knives: Pre-WWII German 'Jowika' 6' sheath knife. Interesting 'bead-type' grip, hand-etched numbered knife, condition 1.5, $40.

(SOLD) • Swords: Imperial German/Prussian Uhlan Model 1873 Officer's Saber. Maker/Supplier is 'Carl Stahl' of Cassel, Germany'. Dove Head Type with engraved blade, 34' blade.

Unusual in that maker's name is etched on the back of the blade near the ricasso. Very nice overall 1.5 condition. Scabbard has almost all original nickel with only one wear spot on each side between the mounting loops. $285.,, (SOLD) • Knife: U.S.

M3 Imperial WWII KNife with M8 scabbard, 8 groove, lanyard, nice condition 1.5, $175. Click on photo to enlarge it....

(SOLD) • Swords: American Revolutionary War Period, reproduction Sword, Sheath, and Belt. Real nice condition 1, $50. Click on photo to enlarge it... (SOLD) • Knives: Fighting Knife, 7' blade, no markings, similar to Cole Book III-Page 107, with Desert M-10 scabbard, condition 1. (SOLD) • Bayonets:WWII German, Matched (Both Maker & Serial Number), 'S/174G', condition 2.5, $90., (SOLD) • Knives: Unusually well made sheath knife with both grip and sheath made from what looks like rosewood. 5 1/2' blade is marked 'Vilaflor & Made in Spain, Canary Islands' All condition 1.

(SOLD) • Knives: Mexican Bowie Knife, 8 5/8' blade. Animal bone grip, Etching in Spanish translates to 'The valient one who attacks me - He is sent on a longer trip'. The other side is marked 'Made in Oaxaca' (an area south of Mexico City). Condition 2, $45. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Italian bayonet for Carcano rifle, cond. (SOLD) • Bayonets: French Model 1874, dated St. Etienne 1878, condition 3, scabbard 3.5, $35.

(SOLD) • Bayonets: Argentine Model 1909 for Mauser, by Weyersberg Kirschbaum & Co. - Solingen, Nice condition 1, $75. (SOLD) • Knives: Gurkha Kukri, 12' overall, with sheath and two small knives, condition 2.5, $30.

(SOLD) • Swords: Chinese (old) Matching sword set, one side of each grip flattened for single scabbard. Swords both have diamond cross-section for strength, condition 2.5, $90. Click on photo to enlarge it... (SOLD) • Knives: Ka-Bar WWII U.S.

Marine Corp 7' knife. Sharpened but still a respectable condition 3.

(SOLD) • Knives: Solingen 4' blade with real stag grip. Logo is is either HF or FH in a circle.

This looks like pre-war Germany and is a high quality condition 1 item, $48. Click on photo to enlarge it. (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. WWII M4 (for M1 Carbine) by Aerial, condition 2,5, $125. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Italian Model 1891, 1942 manufacturing date, for Carcano and Cei-Rigotti rifles, frog and scabbard, condition 1.5, $85.

(SOLD) • Knives: G96 Model 950, 8 1/4' overall length, stainless hunting knife, condition 1, $30. (SOLD) • Bayonets: WWII Eichorn Nazi Army Short Dress Bayonet, scabbard and frog. Overall condition 2 (Dagger is closer to condition 1). (SOLD) • Knives: Massive Pre-WWII German sheath knife, 8 1/4' blade, marked 'American Hunter', 'Hand Made', 'Hammer Forged', Pic-Solingen, with tooled sheath and stone, condition 1.5, $55.. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Unusual French type 1886/35, but overall length of bayonet and scabbard are shorter than the books show for the usual short version.

This bayonet is 16 1/2' overall compared to the standard 'short' one's 18'. This is not a cut down short one, since the scabbard is a proper fit. (SOLD) • Knives: Hitler Youth Knife, RZM M7/38 (Paul Seilheimer - Solingen).The knife in in exceptional condition. The scabbard is clearly a reproduction.

I am not an expert on knives and I am not sure if the knife is original or reproduction. The fitting of the emblem is precise and the etching is deep. Both RZM and slogan, are very sharply defined under a magnifying glass. According to 'Third Reich Dagger Reproductions', page 118, there was a three year period which these knives might have both a 'Blut und Ehre' as well as an RZM, as does this one.

Because of my uncertainty, I am pricing this at $135. If you buy it and decide it is not right, I will refund the full purchase price other than the shipping. Click on photo to enlarge it.,, (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. M5, J&D Tool, for M1 Garand, condition 1.5, $75. (SOLD) • Knives: WWII Luftwaffe Dagger. The blade looks original as does the scabbard. I am not sure about the pommel or the crossguard.

The grip is 'surface crazed' and has a small chip out of the bottom on the reverse side. Overall, I would call this a condition 3.5. Because I am unsure of this one, I am pricing it low at $115. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Eickhorn German Police Clamshell Bayonet, Matching scabbard with Police Mark: P.K.72.

Nice condition 2, but price is low because bayonet lock and police emblem are missing, $150. (SOLD) • Knives: U.S.

M3 WWII Fighting Knife, Utica, nice condition 2, with M8 scabbard, $120. (SOLD) • Knives: U.S. M4 Bayonet - Imperial, condition 4.5, restore or use it to show how bad things can get!

(SOLD) • Knives: U.S. WWII M3 Fighting Knife, Imperial, with M8A1 scabbard, condition 2, $125. (SOLD) • Dress Bayonet: German WWII Short Army Dress Bayonet.

GI leather scabbard. No maker's name. Plastic grip has been repaired (on visible side in picture). Blade is clean and unsharpened.

(SOLD) • Knives: WWII U.S. Navy Mark II, 7' Camillus Fighting Knife. Hard to find 1st design, Knife and U.S.N. Marked leather scabbard in almost perfect condition 1. (SOLD) • Swords: Sidearm Hanger, 18 1/2' overall. Possibly Swiss based on the cross emblem. Condition 3, scabbard has damaged tip, $85.

Click on photo to enlarge it.. (SOLD) • Bayonets:U.S. Springfield/Garand Model 1905 16' bayonet and scabbard, United Cutlery 1942, clean battle sharpened condition 2, $100. (SOLD) • Knives: Bowie Type Hanger with 'Elephant' grip, 18' overall, 13' blade. Brought back from WWII Germany by a Vet, but not marked.

Knife is nice condition 1.5. Scabbard is condition 2, Click on photo to enlarge it.. (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. M1 WWII original 10' by by UFH with rare 1943 date. Bayonet and scabbard are condition 2.

(SOLD) • Knife: Arabic Jambaya, 8' overall. Nice condition 2.5. (SOLD) • Knives: Bowie Type Hanger, 18' overall, 13' blade. Brought back from WWII Germany by a Vet, but not marked. Knife is nice condition 2.

Scabbard is condition 3, tip has tear. Click on photo to enlarge it.. (SOLD) • Sword: Hirschfanger for Pre-WWII German Forest Officer, Engraved blade, blade and scabbard condition 1.5, stag grip has two brass acorns (one missing). Maker is WKC.

$345.,, (SOLD) • Knives: Fighting knife, 10 3/4' overall, stainless, China manufacture, condition 1, $12. (SOLD) • Bayonets:U.S. Springfield/Garand Model 1905 16' bayonet and scabbard, AFH 1942, condition 3, $90. (SOLD) • Knives: Hunting knife (set). Pre-WWII Solingen, Germany, 'Hirschkrone', stag handles, larger is 9' overall, smaller is 6' overall, blades cleaned, nice condition 3, unusual as a set!, $35. (SOLD) • Jambaya, probably Moroccan. 10 1/2' overall.

Set with 3 amber colored stones. Overall condition 2, price $45.

(SOLD) • Boot Knife: Kershaw 'Trooper' 9 1/2' boot knife with Samsonite-like case, scabbard, Aluminum plate for your engraved name, and certification card signed by Pete Kershaw, numbered 9441 and dated June 1982. Perfect number 1 condition. I have seen these at between $200 and $250 dollars. My price - $165.,, (SOLD) • Knives: Old Smokey 'Self Defender' Bowie knife, 13 1/4' overall, new condition 1, $35.

(SOLD) • Knives: Probably Persian Jambaya. 13' overall, animal bone grip, leather and bronze scabbard, condition 2.5, $115. Click on photo to enlarge it. (SOLD) • Knives: Reproduction SA Dagger, new condition 1, $45. (SOLD) • Dress Dagger: SS Dagger, well-made reproduction. Nice condition 1 1/2, see photo, $50. (SOLD) • Devil's Brigade V-42 knife with sheath and box, new condition 1, Manufactured by H.G.

In Sheffield, England and sold by the Ek Commando Knife collector's Club for $189. Very high quality manufacture. Box has the 'Canada ' and 'USA' in the arrowhead of the Brigade. The box is marked 'V-42 Devil's Brigade'. Click on small photo to enlarge it., (SOLD) • Bayonets: Yugoslav Model 1924 bayonet, dated 1944, short postwar version, also known as the Yugoslav Model 1944, near-mint condition 1, $55. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Chinese version of Russian Kalashnikov bayonet.

Chinese model AKS 56-1. (Jantzen pages 31 and 32). Similar to Keisling No. 731, but no blade hole or sawback. Excellent condition 1 with scabbard.

(SOLD) • Knives: Kershaw 2230, 6' fixed blade sheath knife, as new-condition 1, $45. (SOLD) • Swords: Civil War Sword. Vendor marking is J.H.Lambert who worked in Philadelphia between 1830 and 1853. It could have seen service with either the Union or the Confederate armies since it appears to be a Non-regulation Officer's sword rather than an issue sword. It is an American variant of a French design of about 1821 - 1829. The blade is 28 3/4' and the overall length is 34'. It is very light and very deeply curved.

This deep curve, the sword's light weight and the single-branch guard suggest that it is a Mounted Artillery Officer's sword. Overall nice clean condition 2. Click on photo to enlarge it.. (SOLD) • Knives: Solingen, Pre-WWII German fixed blade sheath knife, genuine stag handle, well made, condition 3.5, shows wear, but intact, Overall 9', bright blade 5.25', Very nicely made sheath marked 'Made in Germany', $35. (SOLD) • Knives: Arabic or Asian curved large knife 14' overall, brass 'guard' and animal horn grip, condition 2, see photo, $40. (SOLD) • Knives: Shrade Scrimshaw 511 SC 'Beaver' engraved small knife.

(SOLD) • Kershaw scrimshaw 1983 numbered three knife boxed set by G.Barbour. As new, $235... (SOLD) • Knives: Philippine Guerilla Knife, WWII vintage.

Blade is 9 1/4' long and 1/4' thick at the grip. 14 1/2' overall. The grip is animal horn, reinforced by rivets (aluminum?). Ferrule and guard are darkened brass.

Scabbard is nicely made with a leather rosette. Legend on one side is 'Remembrance'. Legend on other side is 'Made in Sta, I,Sur'. From the town of Santa in the Ilocos Sur Province. Made by local natives from car leaf springs, etc.

Condition 3, price $75. Click on photo to enlarge it...... (SOLD) • Knives: Camillus U.S. M3 WWII Original Fighting Knife. Tip reshaped, but still looks good.

Leather washers loosened with time, double-pinned pommel with flaming bomb, Old M8 scabbard with very nice looped thong, Overall condition 3, $48.. (SOLD) • Knives: German WWI Original Trench Knife and Scabbard. Interesting carved initials 'B.O.'

In hilt matching the original grip grooves, nice clean condition 2, $125.. (SOLD) • Knives: CVA (Connecticut Valley) Hefty 7' blade Bowie. Well made, with unique scabbard. Almost new, $30. (SOLD) • Knives: Schrade Scrimshaw SC502 Gutting & Skinning knife, sheath, box, papers. New condition 1, Price $45...... (SOLD) • Knives: Luftwaffe Pattern 1937 Officer's Dagger with Hanger and Portapee.

There are no markings on the blade. The only odd thing I see is that the scabbard rings have solder? Holding them at right angles. Overall condition is a nice 2.5. I believe it is an original piece, but because I am not sure, I am pricing it relatively low at $175.

(SOLD) • Elephant Goad: Original elephant goad (ancus) from India. Fantasy brass animal on bottom. The hook has a decorative etched pattern which is a bit worn, but quite visible.

Overall length is 17 1/2'. Nice condition 2. (SOLD) • Bayonets: Probably Japanese.

Blade is the right size and shape for the Arisaka, but the hilt is a bit longer (overall bayonet is 20 3/8'),and the muzzle ring is larger (.625'). Condition 4 (the worse side is shown in the picture). (SOLD) • Bayonet: Spanish bayonet Model 1941, correct (unmatched) scabbard, both condition 1 1/2, (Item D-119) $35. (SOLD) • Dagger: Hitler Youth knife, RZM/M7/13, no-slogan original, blade lightly sharpened, has some cleaned rust on one side of ricasso, otherwise a nice clean condition 2, $115.,, (SOLD) • Bayonet: U.S. M7 (for M-16), 'Milpar No.4', nice condition 2. (SOLD) • Knives: Reproduction Nazi SS Dagger, wood grips, condition 2.5, $40.

(SOLD) • Bayonet: U.S. M5 (for Garand), 'Imperial', nice condition 2. (SOLD) • Bayonet: U.S.

M5A1 (for Garand), 'Milpar', decent condition 3, $40. (SOLD) • Knives: Schrade 152, small sheath knife, 'Old Timer', condition 3, $20. (SOLD) • Bayonet: Japanese Arisaka, (Tokyo/Kokura) hard to find Johnson Type 31 with serial on top of grip, very nice condition 1, Item D-125. (SOLD) • Bayonet: Japanese Arisaka, (Tokyo/Kokura) Johnson Type 32, nice condition 1.5, Item D-126. (SOLD) • Sword: Unidentified 'Roman Style' short sword.

Condition 2.5, no scabbard, $80.,, (SOLD) • Knives: World War II Fairbairn-Sykes Commando Knife. Original, knife and scabbard close to condition 1. Correct 'Made in England' around pommel, British military broad-Arrow & 11 at grip base. Third Pattern, black surface over copper wash and zinc alloy.

(Item D-100), $195. Note: I am not an expert on F-S Knives, so if you order this knife and think it is not right, I will send you a full refund (less postages). (SOLD) • Knives: World War II Fairbairn-Sykes Commando Knife. Original knife (condition 1.5) and scabbard (condition 2).

Marked 'England' on guard and '4' on lower pommel. Third Pattern, $215.

Copper coating shows on ridges over 95% black. Note: I am not an expert on F-S Knives, so if you order this knife and think it is not right, I will send you a full refund (less postages). (SOLD) • Knives: Fairbairn-Sykes Commando Knife, post-war, appears to be British Military. Markings are 'Sheffield', 'England', '1979' 'British broad-arrow mark'. Knife and scabbard are both condition 1.

Note: I am not an expert on F-S Knives, so if you order this knife and think it is not right, I will send you a full refund (less postages). (SOLD) • Japanese WWII Non-Com's (Samurai Style) Sword. Model of 1935, Type 95, Aluminum and brown finish grips (75% to 80% original grip finish), Matching serial number scabbard w/most original finish, scabbard condition 2. Blade is much better than average, being exceptionally nice from the hilt down to the last 2 inches from the point.

There is some light pitting in the point area. Other than the point the blade would be condition 1.

(see the pictures). The manufacturer is Nagoya Arsenal, Tsuba is black iron, serial is 85671. (SOLD) • Sidearm: Argentine/Weyersberg Model 1909 20' overall short sword.

Solingen manufacture. Butcher type blade. Sword condition 1, matched scabbard condition 2, plus excellent frog. $85., (SOLD) • Knife: Gurkha Kukri, 17', for-real, not a tourist piece, bone and brass grips, two utility knives. Knife condition 2, scabbard 4 (utility knife pouch is loose - but blades stay in. (SOLD) • Bayonet: WWII British No.4 Mk-II Spike bayonet, condition 2, $15. (SOLD) • Knife: WWII vintage Cattaraugus 6' (No.

225Q) Commando knife, condition 3 with some gouges in the leather washers. Scabbard condition 4, small tear at throat, $45. (SOLD) • Muela Sheath Boar Knife, 8' blade, 12 3/4' overall, bone or stag handles, brass fittings, condition 1. By a respected Spanish maker, some Muela knives sell for $800 - $900. Click on image to enlarge it, use browser 'back' to return to this page.

(SOLD) • Knife: Aitor (Inox) Bowie Knife, 7 1/2' blade, 11 1/4' overall, hefty Chrome/Molybdenum/Vanadium steel, Condition 1, $75. (SOLD) • Bayonets: U.S. M1 Bayonet for Garand and Springfield, AFH, no date, original manufacture, not cut-down, Condition 2.5.

Scabbard with flaming bomb looks arsenal shortened. (SOLD) • Knives: Scrimshaw pocket knife with two blades, 5' opened, has sailing ship and seagull on bone or something similar, Marked 'National Blade, N.J/U.S.A. The box is marked 'Ivory & Nautical'. As new, $35.. (SOLD) • Sword: Nazi WaA25 marked Prussian Cavalry Saber, Model 1889, sword condition 2, leather loop torn, scabbard condition 3 - see dent, (Item D-116), $235., (SOLD) • Bayonet: Argentine Model 1909, Weyersberg, matched, condition 1, (Item D-111) $85.

(SOLD) • Knives: Beretta lockback Bullet Knife, 5' open, excellent, $25. (SOLD) • Bayonet: M-98K, E.Pack & S, Scabbard serial one digit off, overall condition 2, (Item D-112) $90, (SOLD) • Bayonet: U.S. M4 Bayonet (For M1 Carbine), Camillus, real nice condition 1, (Item 115), $95. (SOLD) • Swords: Knights Of Columbus Engraved Sword, with unusual Eagle-Head Pommel, rather than the common Globe pommel. Sword is in fairly nice condition 2.5.

Scabbard is condition 3 with some rust areas. Click on photo to enlarge it.

(SOLD) • Barong: 17' blade, North Borneo Moro original Barong. Blade condition 2, sheath condition 2.5, (Item D-108), I would consider this a museum quality piece, $245. (SOLD) • Knives: 6' blade, well-made Chrome-Vanadium steel Spanish hunting knife 'Muela', condition 2, $20.

(SOLD) • Bayonets: WWII Springfield/Garand 16' Bayonet. Marked UHF - U.S. - 1942, Condition 2. Scabbard is canvas - seems to be a 'cover' and may be missing an inner scabbard. (Item D-104) See picture. (SOLD) • Delaware Commemorative Pocket Knife, Thirteen Colonies, (TC-1, S.W.CUT - U.S.A.), 4' closed, 3-blade, (Item D-105) condition 1, $35., (SOLD) • Knives: World War II South Seas Guerilla knife, brought back by a vet.

The handle has a metal ferrule following the crossguard, then an animal bone center, followed by a metal pommel. If you look closely at the picture you can see a strange aluminum filled in area that seems to be a repair to the animal bone. Overall length is 12'. Condition 3, $45.

(SOLD) • Custom Knife: Tom Barminski, Loveland, Colorado, hand made sheath knife with heavy leather (Barminsky stamped) scabbard. Grip is beautiful and colorful laminated woods, Overall condition is 1.5 - blade is perfect, very tiny marks in butt-end of handle. A very well made and desirable knife. (SOLD) • Bayonet, British Pattern 1876 for the Martini Henry, Mark 2 scabbard, both blade and scabbard are in condition 1, $155.

(SOLD) • Bayonet, British 1907, bayonet condition 2, scabbard real nice condition 1, $65. (SOLD) • U.S. 45-70 Trapdoor bayonet, condition 3.5, but scabbard,(dated 1888) is in hard-to-find condition 2, $90. (SOLD) • Bayonet, Scabbard and leather fittings for AK-74, Wire-Cutter type, probably Chinese manufacture, outstanding condition 1, $50. (SOLD) • Survival Knife, Stainless, Taiwan, compass & all kinds of small stuff in handle, condition 2.5, $10. (SOLD) • Howard Viele Custom Tanto Knife with Menuki, 7 1/4', beautiful piece of work, condition 1 - perfect, $385.

(Use browser 'BACK' to return). (SOLD) • Howard Viele Custom slender and delicate 10' Custom Tanto Knife, rare wood handle, probably Macassar Ebony, Alligatored hard leather sheath, condition 1, $345. (Use browser 'BACK' to return). (SOLD) • Exotically carved dagger, possibly Malay, very dark hard wood, condition 1.5, $95.

(Use browser 'BACK' to return). (SOLD) • Lock back knives: Puma 970, Game Warden, about 20 years old, one blade, as new in box, $80. (SOLD) • Lock back knives: Puma 970, Game Warden, about 20 years old, one blade, good condition - not sharpened, with box and cover, $65.

(SOLD) • Daggers: Set of Chinese daggers, one is 18', the other is 12 1/2'. Scabbards are a dark wood, ornately carved with dragons along the lengths, $175 for the set. It would be best to telephone for a fuller description if you are interested:908-821-4949., (SOLD) • Custom knives: J.D. Clay, Skinner-type sheath knife, 8 1/4' overall, polished dark wood handle, possibly Coco-Bolo, very nice hand made heavy leather deep sheath, dated 12/75, almost new condition, $110. (SOLD) You must be 21 or older to order anything on this list. If there is an item you would like us to hold for you, Or to ask questions, send email.