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A by, illustrating a 1518 edition. In the lower left, Raphael describes the island Utopia. The work begins with written correspondence between Thomas More and several people he had met on the continent:, town clerk of, and, counselor to. More chose these letters, which are communications between actual people, to further the plausibility of his fictional land.

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In the same spirit, these letters also include a specimen of the and its poetry. The letters also explain the lack of widespread travel to Utopia; during the first mention of the land, someone had coughed during announcement of the exact longitude and latitude. The first book tells of the traveller Raphael Hythlodaeus, to whom More is introduced in Antwerp, and it also explores the subject of how best to counsel a prince, a popular topic at the time.

The first discussions with Raphael allow him to discuss some of the modern ills affecting Europe such as the tendency of kings to start wars and the subsequent loss of money on fruitless endeavours. He also criticises the use of execution to punish theft, saying thieves might as well murder whom they rob, to remove witnesses, if the punishment is going to be the same.

He lays most of the problems of theft on the practice of —the enclosing of common land—and the subsequent poverty and starvation of people who are denied access to land because of. More tries to convince Raphael that he could find a good job in a royal court, advising monarchs, but Raphael says that his views are too radical and wouldn't be listened to.

Raphael sees himself in the tradition of: he knows that for good governance, kings must act philosophically. He, however, points out that: “ Plato doubtless did well foresee, unless kings themselves would apply their minds to the study of philosophy, that else they would never thoroughly allow the council of philosophers, being themselves before, even from their tender age, infected and corrupt with perverse and evil opinions. ” More seems to contemplate the duty of philosophers to work around and in real situations and, for the sake of political expediency, work within flawed systems to make them better, rather than hoping to start again from first principles.

For in courts they will not bear with a man's holding his peace or conniving at what others do: a man must barefacedly approve of the worst counsels and consent to the blackest designs, so that he would pass for a spy, or, possibly, for a traitor, that did but coldly approve of such wicked practices ” Book 2: Discourse on Utopia [ ]. Utopia is placed in the and More links Raphael's travels in with 's real life voyages of discovery.

He suggests that Raphael is one of the 24 men Vespucci, in his of 1507, says he left for six months at, Brazil. Raphael then travels further and finds the island of Utopia, where he spends five years observing the customs of the natives. According to More, the island of Utopia is “ two hundred miles across in the middle part, where it is widest, and nowhere much narrower than this except towards the two ends, where it gradually tapers. These ends, curved round as if completing a circle five hundred miles in circumference, make the island crescent-shaped, like a new moon. ” The island was originally a peninsula but a 15-mile wide channel was dug by the community's founder King to separate it from the mainland. The island contains 54 cities. Each city is divided into four equal parts.

The capital city, Amaurot, is located directly in the middle of the crescent island. Each city has not more 6000 households, each family consisting of between 10 and 16 adults. Thirty households are grouped together and elect a Syphograntus (whom More says is now called a ).

Every ten Syphogranti have an elected Traniborus (more recently called a protophylarchus) ruling over them. The 200 Syphogranti of a city elect a Prince in a secret ballot. The Prince stays for life unless he is deposed or removed for suspicion of tyranny.

People are re-distributed around the households and towns to keep numbers even. If the island suffers from overpopulation, colonies are set up on the mainland.

Alternatively, the natives of the mainland are invited to be part of these Utopian colonies, but if they dislike them and no longer wish to stay they may return. In the case of under-population the colonists are re-called. There is no on Utopia, with goods being stored in and people requesting what they need. There are also no locks on the doors of the houses, and the houses are rotated between the citizens every ten years. Agriculture provides the most important occupation on the island.

Every person is taught it and must live in the countryside, farming for two years at a time, with women doing the same work as men. Parallel to this, every citizen must learn at least one of the other essential trades: weaving (mainly done by the women), carpentry, and. There is deliberate simplicity about these trades; for instance, all people wear the same types of simple clothes and there are no making fine apparel. All able-bodied citizens must work; thus unemployment is eradicated, and the length of the working day can be minimised: the people only have to work six hours a day (although many willingly work for longer). More does allow scholars in his society to become the ruling officials or priests, people picked during their primary education for their ability to learn. All other citizens, however, are encouraged to apply themselves to learning in their leisure time. Is a feature of Utopian life and it is reported that every household has two slaves.

The slaves are either from other countries or are the Utopian criminals. These criminals are weighed down with made out of gold. The gold is part of the community wealth of the country, and fettering criminals with it or using it for shameful things like gives the citizens a healthy dislike of it. It also makes it difficult to steal as it is in plain view. The wealth, though, is of little importance and is only good for buying commodities from foreign nations or bribing these nations to fight each other. Slaves are periodically released for good behaviour.

Jewels are worn by children, who finally give them up as they mature. Other significant innovations of Utopia include: a with free hospitals, permissible by the state, priests being allowed to marry, divorce permitted, punished by a lifetime of enforced celibacy and adultery being punished by enslavement. Meals are taken in community and the job of feeding the population is given to a different household in turn. Although all are fed the same, Raphael explains that the old and the administrators are given the best of the food.

Travel on the island is only permitted with an and any people found without a passport are, on a first occasion, returned in disgrace, but after a second offence they are placed in slavery. In addition, there are no lawyers and the law is made deliberately simple, as all should understand it and not leave people in any doubt of what is right and wrong. There are several religions on the island:,,, and, but each is tolerant of the others. Only are despised (but allowed) in Utopia, as they are seen as representing a danger to the state: since they do not believe in any punishment or reward after this life, they have no reason to share the communistic life of Utopia, and will break the laws for their own gain.

They are not banished, but are encouraged to talk out their erroneous beliefs with the priests until they are convinced of their error. Raphael says that through his teachings Christianity was beginning to take hold in Utopia. The toleration of all other religious ideas is enshrined in a universal prayer all the Utopians recite. “.but, if they are mistaken, and if there is either a better government, or a religion more acceptable to God, they implore His goodness to let them know it. ” Wives are subject to their husbands and husbands are subject to their wives although women are restricted to conducting household tasks for the most part.

Only few widowed women become priests. While all are trained in military arts, women confess their sins to their husbands once a month.

Gambling, hunting, makeup and astrology are all discouraged in Utopia. The role allocated to women in Utopia might, however, have been seen as being more liberal from a contemporary point of view. Utopians do not like to engage in war. If they feel countries friendly to them have been wronged, they will send military aid, but they try to capture, rather than kill, enemies.

They are upset if they achieve victory through bloodshed. The main purpose of war is to achieve that which, if they had achieved already, they would not have gone to war over. Privacy is not regarded as freedom in Utopia; taverns, ale-houses and places for private gatherings are non-existent for the effect of keeping all men in full view, so that they are obliged to behave well. Interpretation [ ] One of the most troublesome questions about Utopia is Thomas More's reason for writing it. Most scholars see it as some kind of comment or criticism of old-timey Catholicism, for the evils of More's day are laid out in Book I and in many ways apparently solved in Book II.

Indeed, Utopia has many of the characteristics of satire, and there are many jokes and satirical asides such as how honest people are in Europe, but these are usually contrasted with the simple, uncomplicated society of the Utopians. Yet, the puzzle is that some of the practices and institutions of the Utopians, such as the ease of divorce, and both married priests and, seem to be polar opposites of More's beliefs and the teachings of the of which he was a devout member.

Another often cited apparent contradiction is that of the religious tolerance of Utopia contrasted with his persecution of as. Similarly, the criticism of lawyers comes from a writer who, as, was arguably the most influential lawyer in England. It can be answered, however, that as a pagan society Utopians had the best ethics that could be reached through reason alone, or that More changed from his early life to his later when he was Lord Chancellor. One highly influential interpretation of Utopia is that of. He has argued that More was taking part in the debate over true nobility, and that he was writing to prove the perfect commonwealth could not occur with private property.

Crucially, Skinner sees Raphael Hythlodaeus as embodying the Platonic view that philosophers should not get involved in politics, while the character of More embodies the more pragmatic view. Thus the society Raphael proposes is the ideal More would want. But without communism, which he saw no possibility of occurring, it was wiser to take a more pragmatic view.

Quentin Skinner's interpretation of Utopia is consistent with the speculation that made in. There, Greenblatt argued that More was under the Epicurean influence of Lucretius's On the Nature of Things and the people that live in Utopia were an example of how pleasure has become their guiding principle of life. Although Greenblatt acknowledged that More's insistence on the existence of an afterlife and punishment for people holding contrary views were inconsistent with the essentially materialist view of Epicureanism, Greenblatt contended that it was the minimum conditions for what the pious More would have considered as necessary to live a happy life. Another complication comes from the Greek meaning of the names of people and places in the work. Apart from Utopia, meaning 'Noplace,' several other lands are mentioned: Achora meaning 'Nolandia', Polyleritae meaning 'Muchnonsense', Macarenses meaning 'Happiland,' and the river Anydrus meaning 'Nowater'. Raphael's last name, Hythlodaeus means 'dispenser of nonsense' surely implying that the whole of the Utopian text is 'nonsense'. Additionally the Latin rendering of More's name, Morus, is similar to the word for a fool in Greek (μωρός).

It is unclear whether More is simply being ironic, an in-joke for those who know Greek, seeing as the place he is talking about does not actually exist or whether there is actually a sense of distancing of Hythlodaeus' and the More's ('Morus') views in the text from his own. The name Raphael, though, may have been chosen by More to remind his readers of the who is mentioned in the (3:17; 5:4, 16; 6:11, 14, 16, 18; also in chs. 7, 8, 9, 11, 12). In that book the angel guides Tobias and later cures his father of his blindness. While Hythlodaeus may suggest his words are not to be trusted, Raphael meaning (in Hebrew) 'God has healed' suggests that Raphael may be opening the eyes of the reader to what is true. The suggestion that More may have agreed with the views of Raphael is given weight by the way he dressed; with 'his cloak.

Hanging carelessly about him'; a style which reports that More himself was wont to adopt. Furthermore, more recent criticism has questioned the reliability of both Gile's annotations and the character of 'More' in the text itself.

Claims that the book only subverts Utopia and Hythlodaeus are possibly oversimplistic. Reception [ ] Utopia was begun while More was an envoy in the in May 1515. More started by writing the introduction and the description of the society which would become the second half of the work and on his return to England he wrote the 'dialogue of counsel', completing the work in 1516.

In the same year, it was printed in under Erasmus's editorship and after revisions by More it was printed in in November 1518. It was not until 1551, sixteen years after More's execution, that it was first published in England as an English translation. 's translation of 1684 is probably the most commonly cited version.

The work seems to have been popular, if misunderstood: the introduction of More's of 1518 mentions a man who did not regard More as a good writer. The eponymous title has since eclipsed More's original story and the term is now commonly used to describe an idyllic, imaginary society. Although he may not have directly founded the contemporary notion of what has since become known as, More certainly popularised the idea of imagined parallel realities, and some of the early works which owe a debt to Utopia must include by, by, by and. The politics of Utopia have been seen as influential to the ideas of and. [ ] While was used to describe the first concepts of socialism, later theorists tended to see the ideas as too simplistic and not grounded on realistic principles. The religious message in the work and its uncertain, possibly satiric, tone has also alienated some theorists from the work.

An applied example of More's Utopia can be seen in 's implemented society in,, which was directly inspired by More's work. During the opening scene in the film, Utopia is referenced in a conversation. The alleged amorality of England's priests is compared to that of the more highly principled behaviour of the fictional priests in More's Utopia, when a character observes wryly that 'every second person born in England is fathered by a priest.' References [ ]. Davis (28 July 1983)..

Cambridge University Press. • More’s Utopia: The English Translation thereof by Raphe Robynson. Second edition, 1556, in. 'Felicitie' means 'happiness' (see ) • Paniotova, Taissia Sergeevna (2016).. 2 (4-5): 48–54.. • More, Thomas (2002). Logan and Robert M.

Adams (eds.), ed. Raymond Geuss and Quentin Skinner (series eds.) (Revised ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press.. CS1 maint: Extra text: editors list () • ^ Manuel and Manuel. Utopian Thought in the Western World. The Languages of Political Theory in Early Modern Europe. 'Chapter 10: Swerves'..

Further reading [ ] • More, Thomas (1516/1967), 'Utopia', trans. Dolan, in James J. Greene and John P.

Dolan, edd., The Essential Thomas More, New York: New American Library. • Sullivan, E. (editor) (1983) The Utopian Vision: Seven Essays on the Quincentennial of Sir Thomas More San Diego State University Press, San Diego, California, External links [ ] Wikimedia Commons has media related to. Has original text related to this article.

• A complete edition (including all of the letters and commendations, as well as the marginal notes, that were included in the first four printings of 1516-18) translated in 2012. Licensed as Creative Commons BY-SA and published in multiple electronic formats (HTML, PDF, TXT, ODF, EPUB, and as a Social Book).

• at • public domain audiobook at • by • Andre Schuchardt: • '.. • – Images photocopied the 1518 edition of Utopia, from the collection of the •, a commemoration of the 500th anniversary of the book centered in London.

Just over eight years ago, on November 4, 2008, Barack Obama took the stage in his hometown of Chicago on the occasion of a triumph: he had been elected by the American people as the 44th president of the United States, and the first African-American to take the nation’s highest office. On Tuesday night, he returned to the stage in his hometown, this time to say goodbye.

In ten days, he will the White House; will take his spot. But despite the cynicism from some about this prospect, Obama’s remarks on Tuesday — his final address to the nation — was, once again,. He spoke of the myriad of his two-term presidency: the achievement of marriage equality, consistent job growth, the expansion of healthcare, and the normalization of relations with Cuba, to name a few. He also urged his fellow citizens to uphold American values. “Our democracy is threatened when any of us take it for granted,” he said. The full transcript of his speech is below.

[*] OBAMA: Hello Skybrook! (APPLAUSE) It’s good to be home! (APPLAUSE) Thank you, everybody!

(APPLAUSE) Thank you. (APPLAUSE) Thank you. (APPLAUSE) Thank you so much, thank you. (APPLAUSE) It’s good to be home. (APPLAUSE) We’re on live TV here, I’ve got to move. (APPLAUSE) You can tell that I’m a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.

(LAUGHTER) Everybody have a seat. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes that we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people — in living rooms and in schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant military outposts — those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going.

And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better president, and you made me a better man.

So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, and I was still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. (CROWD CHANTING “FOUR MORE YEARS”) I can’t do that.

Now this is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it. After eight years as your president, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government. It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

What a radical idea, the great gift that our Founders gave to us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, and toil, and imagination — and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good. For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. It’s what pushed women to reach for the ballot.

It’s what powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan — and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well. (APPLAUSE) So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our progress has been uneven.

The work of democracy has always been hard. It has been contentious. Sometimes it has been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back.

But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some. (APPLAUSE) If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history — if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9-11 — if I had told you that we would win marriage equality and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But that’s what we did.

That’s what you did. You were the change. The answer to people’s hopes and, because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started. In 10 days the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy. No, no, no, no, no.

The peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected President to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works.

Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now. And that’s what I want to focus on tonight, the state of our democracy. Understand democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued, they quarreled, and eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity.

The idea that, for all our outward differences, we’re all in this together, that we rise or fall as one. There have been moments throughout our history that threatened that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times.

A shrinking world, growing inequality, demographic change, and the specter of terrorism. These forces haven’t just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids and create good jobs and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.

To begin with, our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. (APPLAUSE) And the good news is that today the economy is growing again.

Wages, incomes, home values and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. (APPLAUSE) The wealthy are paying a fair share of taxes. Even as the stock market shatters records, the unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.

(APPLAUSE) Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I’ve said, and I mean it, anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system, that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. (APPLAUSE) Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit.

But to make people’s lives better. (APPLAUSE) But, for all the real progress that we’ve made, we know it’s not enough.

Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class, and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class. (APPLAUSE) That’s the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic idea. While the top 1 percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many of our families in inner cities and in rural counties have been left behind. The laid off factory worker, the waitress or health care worker who’s just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills. Convinced that the game is fixed against them. That their government only serves the interest of the powerful.

That’s a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics. Now there’re no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good middle class jobs obsolete. And so we’re going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need. (APPLAUSE) To give workers the power (APPLAUSE) to unionize for better wages.

(CHEERS) To update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now. (APPLAUSE) And make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and the individuals who reap the most from this new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their very success possible. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves.

For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come. There’s a second threat to our democracy. And this one is as old as our nation itself. After my election there was talk of a post-racial America.

And such a vision, however well intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent (APPLAUSE) and often divisive force in our society. Now I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10 or 20 or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. (APPLAUSE) You can see it not just in statistics.

You see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum. But we’re not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do.

(APPLAUSE) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. (APPLAUSE) If we’re unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America’s workforce. (APPLAUSE) And we have shown that our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women. So if we’re going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. (APPLAUSE) That is what our Constitution and highest ideals require.

But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. It won’t change overnight.

Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work the way it should in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view, until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.” For blacks and other minority groups, that means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face. Not only the refugee or the immigrant or the rural poor or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic, and cultural, and technological change. We have to pay attention and listen. (APPLAUSE) Read More: For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ’60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment that our founders promised. (APPLAUSE) For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles, who it was said were going to destroy the fundamental character of America.

And as it turned out, America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation’s creed, and this nation was strengthened. (APPLAUSE) So regardless of the station we occupy; we all have to try harder; we all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own. (APPLAUSE) (CHEERING) And that’s not easy to do. For too many of us it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods, or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. In the rise of naked partisanship and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste, all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it’s true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there. (APPLAUSE) And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy.

Look, politics is a battle of ideas. That’s how our democracy was designed.

In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, then we’re going to keep talking past each other. (CROWD CHEERS) And we’ll make common ground and compromise impossible.

And isn’t that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on pre-school for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, it’s selective sorting of the facts. It’s self-defeating because, as my mom used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you. Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, we’ve doubled our renewable energy, we’ve led the world to an agreement that (at) the promise to save this planet. Ik Multimedia Miroslav Philharmonik Rapidshare Library.

(APPLAUSE) But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change. They’ll be busy dealing with its effects. More environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary. Now we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country, the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders. (CROWD CHEERS) It is that spirit — it is that spirit born of the enlightenment that made us an economic powerhouse. The spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral, the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket, it’s that spirit.

A faith in reason and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies. An order based not just on military power or national affiliations, but built on principles, the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion and speech and assembly and an independent press. (APPLAUSE) That order is now being challenged. First by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam. More recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who seek free markets in open democracies and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far reaching than a car bomb or a missile.

They represent the fear of change. The fear of people who look or speak or pray differently.

A contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable. An intolerance of dissent and free thought.

A belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right. Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform. Because of our intelligence officers and law enforcement and diplomats who support our troops (APPLAUSE) no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years.

Free Download Of Lungi Dance Song Video. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) And although (APPLAUSE) Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists, including Bin Laden. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed. And no one who threatens America will ever be safe.

(CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) And all who serve or have served — it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief. (CHEERS) And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude.

(CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) But, protecting our way of life, that’s not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when it gives into fear.

So just as we as citizens must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. (APPLAUSE) And that’s why for the past eight years I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. (APPLAUSE) That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans (CHEERS) who are just as patriotic as we are. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) That’s why (APPLAUSE) That’s why we cannot withdraw (APPLAUSE) That’s why we cannot withdraw from big global fights to expand democracy and human rights and women’s rights and LGBT rights. (APPLAUSE) No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that’s part of defending America.

For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. (APPLAUSE) Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors. Which brings me to my final point — our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted.

(APPLAUSE) All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. (APPLAUSE) When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote. (APPLAUSE) When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes. (APPLAUSE) But remember, none of this happens on its own.

All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging. Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. We, the people, give it meaning — with our participation, and with the choices that we make and the alliances that we forge. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms.

Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law, that’s up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured. In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.” And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one. (APPLAUSE) America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren’t even willing to enter into public service. So course with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen, not just as misguided, but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others.

(APPLAUSE) When we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt. And when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them. (CROWD CHEERS) It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy. Embrace the joyous task we have been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours because, for all our outward differences, we in fact all share the same proud type, the most important office in a democracy, citizen. (APPLAUSE) Citizen.

So, you see, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when you own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life. (APPLAUSE) If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. (CROWD CHEERS) If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clip board, get some signatures, and run for office yourself.

(CROWD CHEERS) Show up, dive in, stay at it. Sometimes you’ll win, sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir in goodness, that can be a risk. And there will be times when the process will disappoint you.

But for those of us fortunate enough to have been part of this one and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America and in Americans will be confirmed. Mine sure has been. (APPLAUSE) Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers.

I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I’ve seen Wounded Warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks.

I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees or work for peace and, above all, to look out for each other. So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change, that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope your faith has too.

Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004 and 2008, 2012. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) Maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off. (CHEERS) Let me tell you, you’re not the only ones.

(LAUGHTER) Michelle (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) Michelle LaVaughn Robinson of the South Side (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) for the past 25 years you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) You took on a role you didn’t ask for. And you made it your own with grace and with grit and with style, and good humor. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. (CHEERS) And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) You have made me proud, and you have made the country proud.

(CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) Malia and Sasha (CHEERS) under the strangest of circumstances you have become two amazing young women. (CHEERS) You are smart and you are beautiful. But more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) And (APPLAUSE) you wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I have done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad. (APPLAUSE) To Joe Biden (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) the scrappy kid from Scranton (CHEERS) who became Delaware’s favorite son. You were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best.

(CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) Not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family. And your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives. (APPLAUSE) To my remarkable staff, for eight years, and for some of you a whole lot more, I have drawn from your energy.

And every day I try to reflect back what you displayed. Heart and character.

And idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we’ve done is the thought of all the amazing things that you are going to achieve from here. (APPLAUSE) And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will forever be grateful.

Because you did change the world. (APPLAUSE) You did. And that’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I’ve seen you in every corner of the country.

You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, that it’s not something to fear but something to embrace, you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands. (APPLAUSE) My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether you’re young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your president — the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can. (APPLAUSE) Yes, we did. (APPLAUSE) Yes, we can. (APPLAUSE) Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.